The Exclusion of Pasmanda in Sir Syed's Modern Education Movement

By Abdullah Mansoor, New Age Islam 17 October 2024 The Moment You Expose Sir Syed’s Casteism, The Attacks Against You Intensify. Immediately, You Are Reminded That Today, Thousands Of Pasmanda Students Are Studying In Aligarh. Why, Then, Are You Opposing Him Now? They Forget That When Pasmanda Muslims Were In A Dire Educational Situation And Government Jobs Required English Proficiency, Sir Syed Did Not Allow Pasmanda Students Into His University ------- Many people believe that only religious leaders or clerics spread confusion through religious sermons. However, in my experience, I have faced less opposition when writing against the casteist views of clerics from sects like Deobandi, Barelvi, and Ahle-Hadith than I have when critiquing Sir Syed’s casteist ideology. Even among the educated Pasmanda students of Aligarh, if you try to engage them in a debate, they will present the same arguments and facts that Ashraf intellectuals have upheld for decades. These arguments, often taken out of context, have been so deeply ingrained in the minds of Pasmanda Muslims that they have started loving their oppressors. As Steve Biko rightly said, “The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.” This has not happened by accident but was carried out in a well-planned manner. In the case of Sir Syed, this task was undertaken by the Ashraf members of the Aligarh Old Boys Association. They used 'Sir Syed Day' as a tool to establish his greatness. To create this aura around Sir Syed, many stories—both true and fabricated—were circulated, and numerous books were written to praise his contributions. Songs, poems, and Ghazals were composed in his honour. A culture of reverence was developed to silence any opposing voice. Every religion, sect, or ideology crafts its heroes in such a way that they symbolize the ideology itself. Be it Jesus (peace be upon him), Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), Marx, Lenin, Mao, Veer Savarkar, Godse, or Sir Syed—they all represent the ideologies they are associated with. It is commonly believed that Sir Syed was the one who introduced modern education among Muslims and that he faced a fatwa of Kufr because he promoted English education. But this is only half the truth. The concept of 'community' or 'nation' in Sir Syed’s view did not include the Pasmanda (backward) Muslims, nor did he intend to extend the benefits of modern education to them. Historian Mubarak Ali, in his book Almiya-e-Tarikh, answers this question by writing: "Long before Sir Syed, a class of Muslims (Ashraf) receiving English education had already emerged, and Muslim students were studying in English-medium schools established by the British government. Therefore, during its early days, the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College founded by Sir Syed did not significantly influence Muslim (Ashraf) education. For instance, between 1882 and 1902, only 220 Muslim graduates came from MAO College, while Allahabad University produced 420 Muslim graduates during the same period. So, the claim that Sir Syed faced opposition because he introduced English education is false. The opposition was due to his religious views. The Muslim elite and noble classes were already receiving English education, and even Muslim religious scholars (Ulema) had entered English professions since the early days of British rule." Mubarak Ali further writes that the idea of educational backwardness among Muslims was introduced by William W. Hunter in his book The Indian Musalmans. This book only discussed the backwardness and illiteracy of Muslims in Bengal, but later, these ideas were applied to Muslims in Uttar Pradesh as well. However, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh were actually the most educated and prosperous community in India. They even surpassed Hindus in education and also in securing government jobs. In fact, the number of Muslims in government jobs exceeded that of Hindus. According to government records analysed by S.M. Jain, from 1871 to 1884, Muslims benefitted more from education than Hindus, and their numbers were higher even in private secondary education. Mubarak Ali also writes that Sir Syed’s aim in promoting English and Western education was to enable the feudal (Ashraf) class to secure high government positions, thus increasing their status and power. Sir Syed and his son, Syed Mahmood, structured education into four categories: Colleges should be established for the sons of the noble and feudal class (Ashraf) based on the model of Oxford and Cambridge, where they could receive Western education. Schools should be opened in every city and town to prepare students for these colleges. It's important to note that in 1894, Sir Syed and Mohsin-ul-Mulk passed a resolution at the 'Muslim Educational Conference' stating that small schools should not be opened. If small schools were established everywhere, donations for Aligarh (Madrasatul Uloom) would decrease, as people would prefer funding their local schools. According to Maulvi Tufail Ahmad Manglori, this decision killed the enthusiasm for opening schools in Muslim communities Maktabs (schools) should be opened in every village to provide religious education, along with some basic knowledge of Persian and English. Maktabs should be established for memorizing the Quran (Hifz). Mubarak Ali notes that Sir Syed's entire educational scheme was class-based. He considered higher Western education necessary only for Ashraf boys, while he intended to keep the common (Pasmanda) people engaged in religious education. Sir Syed demonstrated this attitude openly on several occasions. Sir Syed was influenced by Lord Macaulay’s educational policies, particularly the idea that India needed an English-educated intermediary class to strengthen the British government. This intermediary class would also serve their own caste and class interests. However, Sir Syed did not agree with the 'Downward Filtration Theory,' which suggested that knowledge would eventually trickle down to the Pasmanda communities. He repeatedly expressed this exclusionary mindset. One such instance was when Sir Syed was invited to lay the foundation stone for the Madarsa Anjuman-e-Islamia in Bareilly, where children from so-called 'lower' Muslim castes were studying. In response to the address presented to him, Sir Syed said: “You mentioned in your address that you do not hesitate to teach the knowledge and education of other communities. This probably refers to English education. But I say that the idea of teaching English in a madrasa like yours is a grave mistake. It is the duty of the leaders and 'respectable' members of our community to ensure that their children receive higher education in English. There is no one more eager and supportive than me in promoting English education among Muslims. However, it is essential to consider the time and circumstances for every task. For children of this class and background, teaching them English would be of no benefit. It is more advantageous for them and the country to keep them engaged in the old education system.” Pakistani historian Mubarak Ali, in 'Almiya-e-Tarikh,' writes that Sir Syed’s teachings of compromise, cooperation, and loyalty were meant to benefit a specific section of Muslims—namely, the aristocrats and feudal lords. When he used the term 'Muslims,' he referred only to this particular elite class, not to all Muslims. The events of 1857 and the British occupation had severely affected the Muslim aristocrats and landlords, and Sir Syed represented this class. Under his leadership, many from this privileged background joined the cause. As for the common Indian population (here referring to the indigenous Muslims, i.e., Pasmanda), they had always been victims of exploitation by this elite class, so the shift in power was not of great importance to them. Sir Syed came from a Mughal aristocratic family, and the environment in which he was educated was also limited to this elite class. On September 28, 1887, at the second session of the 'Mohammedan Educational Conference' in Lucknow, Sir Syed openly expressed his feudal mind-set, saying: “While the noble families respect the aristocrats, they also instill respect for English society and the justice of the English government in the hearts of the people. Therefore, they are beneficial for both the country and the government. Oh brothers! My beloveds! This is the situation of the government and yours; you should behave properly, not like the clamour of crows gathering around. Oh brothers! I accuse the government in such harsh words, but there will come a time when our brothers—the Pathans, the Syeds, the Hashmis, and the Qurayshis, in whose veins runs the blood of Ibrahim (Abraham)—will one day don bright uniforms as Colonels and Majors in the army, but we must wait for that time. The government will certainly take notice, provided that you give it no reason for doubt... And the harm that was caused to the British was not by the aristocrats but by the common people. Show them how long it has been? I swear that what will raise you to a higher level is higher education.” The moment you expose Sir Syed’s casteism, the attacks against you intensify. Immediately, you are reminded that today, thousands of Pasmanda students are studying in Aligarh. Why, then, are you opposing him now? They forget that when Pasmanda Muslims were in a dire educational situation and government jobs required English proficiency, Sir Syed did not allow Pasmanda students into his university. If Pasmanda Muslims are studying in Aligarh today, it is thanks to the Indian Constitution, not Sir Syed. [My RTI findings reveal that even today, the number of SC/ST/OBC students in Aligarh is significantly low.] When discussing this issue, we find that educated students of Aligarh University resort to threats and abuse instead of reasoned debate. And yet, we know that a great historian like Irfan Habib resides in Aligarh. Why don't they consult Irfan Habib on this subject? Let’s consider their argument for a moment—that we should praise Sir Syed because today Pasmanda students are studying at the university he founded. Can we apply this same logic to the British? For example, Macaulay introduced English education in India to produce clerks who, though Indian in skin, would think like the British. Today, millions of people have jobs because of this English education. So should we celebrate 'Macaulay Day'? The British established many of the systems and institutions we benefit from today. Should we, therefore, glorify British rule? Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) said, “Actions are judged by intentions.” Here is where Pasmanda and Bahujan intellectuals raise the question: What were Sir Syed’s intentions regarding the education of Pasmanda Muslims and girls in Aligarh? The answer is a clear ‘no,’ as is evident from his statements. The Pasmanda community must realize that blind reverence for such figures comes at the cost of their own interests. When a person becomes a symbol Of exploitation, injustice, inequality Then it becomes necessary to burn it down To burn the idea in the form of a person To burn from the visible to the invisible, from the vast to the subtle Names do not matter, whether Ravan, Yazid, or Sir Syed Symbols remind us of where we stand! In the battle for justice References: Mubarak Ali, Almiya-e-Tarikh, Tarikh Publications, Lahore, Pakistan, 1994 Masood Alam Falahi, Hindustan Mein Zaat-Paat Aur Musalman, Al-Qazi, 2020 Ali Anwar, Masawat ki Jung, Vani Prakashan, New Delhi, 2001 Speech of Sir Syed Ahmed at Lucknow (1887) [http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00islamlinks/txt_sir_sayyid_lucknow_1887.html] Dr. Irshad Ahmed, Sir Syed ke Samajik Nazaryat, Raj Sri Offset, Patna, 2011 ---- Abdullah Mansoor is a Pasmanda Activist, Also runs the YouTube channel 'Pasmanda DEMOcracy.' URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-sectarianism/pasmanda-sir-syed-modern-education-movement/d/133462 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism