Friday, November 8, 2024
Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) Is a Minority Institution, Rules Supreme Court, or Does it: Confusion remains
By Syed Ali Mujtaba, New Age Islam
08 November 2024
New Delhi: In a landmark judgment the Supreme Court of India “overruled” its judgment taken in the Azeez Basha case of 1967 that denied minority status of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), on grounds that AMU is a Central University funded by the Central government.
The Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud who led the seven members Constitution Bench said that a regular Bench should decide the question of the minority status of the AMU.
The regular Bench would also decide the correctness of the Allahabad High Court decision in the 2006 that struck down the 1981 amendment conferring minority status on the AMU.
This has created a great deal of confusion among all concerned. Various legal experts and leaders of Muslim community are expressing contrarian opinions. Some lawyers are saying that the seven-member SC Bench has ruled on the matter referred to it and left the rest for a three judge Bench. Muslim leaders are however disappointed with what they call a half-Judgement.
Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) enjoyed the minority character from 1920 to 1951, when the controversy erupted after compulsory religious education to the Muslim students was withdrawn.
In 1967 a five-judge Constitution Bench looking into Azeez Basha ruled that AMU, being a Central university, cannot claim to be a minority institution.
In 1981 the Parliament, by virtue of the Aligarh Muslim University (Amendment) Act, 1981 conferred minority status on the AMU.
In 2006 the Allahabad High Court, struck down the Parliamentary order 1981 amendment that conferred minority status on the AMU.
The seven members Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court was dealing with a reference arising out of the 2006 decision passed by the Allahabad High Court.
In the seven member bench, four members ruled in favour of revoking the 1967 judgment that revoked the minority status and the three members wanted to uphold the 1967 judgment.
The majority opinion, concurred by Justices Sanjiv Khanna, J.B. Pardiwala, Manoj Misra, and SC Sharma, said that the regulation of minority educational institutions is permissible under Article 19(6), however, those regulations should not impinge upon the minority character of the institution.
It said, “Regulations, which may be justified on grounds stipulated under Articles 19(6) and 26, may fall foul to Article 30 if they infringe upon the minority character of the institution. This is a special right/protection which the Constitution guarantees to minority educational institutions.”
It further said, “An educational institution established by any citizen can be regulated under Article 19(6). An educational institution established by a religious denomination without any element of profit can be regulated on grounds of public order, morality and health. As opposed to these two provisions, Article 30 does not circumscribe the right on any grounds. However, the right guaranteed under Article 30 is not absolute.”
The majority opined that Article 30 guarantees minority educational institutions the right not to be discriminated against and in fact, Article 30(2) is the facet of the non-discrimination of minorities.
Those who had contrarian views are Justices Surya Kant, J.B. Pardiwala, Dipankar Datta and SC Sharma wrote separate and dissenting opinions.
The short of the long story is Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), remains to be a minority institution. It has taken 70 years to close the legal wrangles.
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Syed Ali Mujaba is a journalist. He did his BA & MA from AMU during 1978 – 1984. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com
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URL: https://newageislam.com/current-affairs/aligarh-muslim-university-minority-supreme-court/d/133650
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Trump's Triumph: Not a Good Sign for the World
By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam
08 November 2024
Donald Trump getting re-elected as the 47th President of the US may have been a foregone conclusion, any sane person is actually apprehensive, nay appalled. I agree with Messrs Rasheed and GM that there was no meaningful choice; it was a sad day. That a rogue has been re-elected as the President of the world's most 'advanced' country is symptomatic of the times we're in. Though comparisons are always odious, when two things or individuals are as different as chalk and cheese, one's tempted to compare not with a view to criticizing but to understanding the decline that's so palpable.
Listening to Trump's inane Presidential debates, one's reminded of John F Kennedy's pithy and precise statements like this one, "Let us not seek the Republican answer or the Democratic answer, but the right answer. Let us not seek to fix the blame for the past. Let us accept our own responsibility for the future." In this quote by John F. Kennedy, he urged us to move beyond party lines and strive for the right answer, rather than seeking the Republican or Democratic answer. Kennedy believed that true progress could only come from finding solutions that benefit all, regardless of political affiliation.
Furthermore, he advised against fixating on the blame for past mistakes, emphasizing the importance of accepting our own responsibility for the future. Kennedy's words remind us of the need for unity, cooperation, and shared responsibility in order to create a better future for all. This is what we call statesmanship. No blaming and buck passing. Just the fact sans an iota of rancour and recrimination. This is what we call dignity and decorum. By the way, Kennedy was the first and, to this day, the only U.S. president to have received a Pulitzer Prize. He was awarded the prize in 1957 for his book, "Profiles in Courage," which he wrote while recuperating from back surgery. Trump never said anything about a common goal or objective, shelving all political affiliations. Yet, the racist (white) Americans preferred him over Kamala Harris.
At the moment, there's a dire dearth of an able leader and statesman all over the world. All fickle-minded, petty leaders seem to have converged to annihilate humanity. We're at the crossroads of civilization, though I don't want to sound Cassandra lest I should be called a doomsayer.
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A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/current-affairs/trump-triumph-world-/d/133651
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Scriptural Foundations for Ethical Media Practice
By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam
08 November 2024
In today's dynamic media landscape, where influence and impact are profound, timeless principles – truth, fairness and privacy respect – are paramount. Media practitioners wield significant power, akin to a double-edged sword, capable of illuminating, inspiring or misleading and harming. This authority brings moral responsibility to uphold ethical standards. Sacred texts – the Quran, Bible and Bhagavad Gita – offer guiding moral frameworks, emphasizing truthfulness, justice and human dignity. This paper examines how these scriptures can inspire ethical journalism, serving as a north star for media professionals navigating complex responsibilities.
Truthfulness as a Pillar of Ethical Reporting
Truthfulness, a beacon for maintaining public trust, is a bedrock of ethical reporting. The Quran warns against mixing truth with falsehood (Q.2:42) and commands believers to walk the path of honesty (Q.33:70). Similarly, the Bible underscores that "Truthful lips endure forever, but a lying tongue lasts only a moment” (Proverbs 12:19), reminding media professionals that truth is a rock, while lies are but sand washed away by the tides.
In our "information age," where falsehoods spread like wildfire, both scriptures champion fact-checking. Proverbs 14:5 emphasizes, “An honest witness does not deceive, but a false witness pours out lies,” aligning with the Quranic caution in Q.49:6 to verify information. Together, these passages highlight the media’s duty to separate wheat from chaff, presenting facts transparently and building a bridge of trust with the public.
Justice and Fairness in Media Coverage
Justice, the heart and soul of ethical reporting, is championed by the Quran, which urges believers to "stand firm in justice" (Q.5:8) and to "order justice and good conduct" (Q.16:90). Similarly, the Bible reminds us that justice is a core moral duty: “He has shown you, O mortal, what is good… to act justly and to love mercy” (Micah 6:8). This verse calls on media practitioners to leave no stone unturned in the pursuit of fair, balanced reporting.
Additionally, Isaiah 1:17’s charge to “seek justice, encourage the oppressed” empowers media professionals to be a voice for the voiceless, reflecting the Quran’s call in Q.23:8-9 to uphold public trust. When media embraces fairness as its guiding light, it serves as society’s mirror, representing diverse voices and bolstering public trust.
Respect for Human Dignity and Privacy
The Quran’s declaration, “We have certainly honoured the children of Adam” (Q.7:180), affirms the sacred worth of every person. The Bible echoes this in Genesis 1:27, reminding that humans are “created… in the image of God.” This shared belief in human dignity urges media to walk on eggshells, taking great care not to harm with sensational or degrading depictions.
Q.49:12’s admonition to avoid prying aligns with Jesus’s teaching in Matthew 7:12: “Do to others what you would have them do to you,” which is also the Golden Rule. This is the ethical gold standard in journalism, encouraging media to respect personal boundaries and resist the siren call of sensationalism. Both texts emphasize that preserving human dignity and privacy keeps the media from being a bull in a china shop, ensuring that it protects, rather than shatters, individual rights.
Constructive and Respectful Communication
The Quran discourages speech that sows discord (Q.9:119), calling believers “brothers” (Q.49:10) and encouraging unity. This dovetails with the Bible’s counsel in Ephesians 4:29: “Do not let any unwholesome talk come out of your mouths, but only what is helpful for building others up.” Such counsel inspires the media to be a bridge, not a barrier, uniting rather than dividing society.
With the power of words to cut like a knife or heal like a balm, media professionals can use their platform to mend rifts and build bridges. By fostering respectful communication, media can serve as society’s glue, promoting understanding and cohesion over division and discord.
Wisdom and Judiciousness in Media Reporting
Wisdom is a crown jewel in the Quran (Q.42:42) and is equally treasured in the Bible. Proverbs 3:13 reminds us, “Blessed are those who find wisdom.” Wisdom, for media professionals, is akin to the rudder that keeps their ship steady in a storm of breaking news. This value calls on journalists to approach topics with careful judgment, weighing public interest against potential harm.
Wisdom in reporting means choosing stories with the public’s good at heart and steering clear of sensationalism. Acting with discernment allows media to balance immediacy with integrity, showing that, like gold refined in the fire, quality reporting shines brightest under scrutiny.
Encouraging Righteousness and Constructive Engagement
The Quran encourages sharing beneficial knowledge (Q.74:1-7) and guiding people toward ethical conduct (Q.6:151). Likewise, Colossians 3:17 advises, “Whatever you do, whether in word or deed, do it all in the name of the Lord Jesus,” reminding media professionals to let their words be a lamp to their audiences’ feet, illuminating paths to greater understanding and growth.
As both texts support the dissemination of meaningful knowledge, media professionals can be like rivers flowing with fresh insight, bringing positive influence to all they touch. Ethical engagement in media creates a ripple effect, shaping society for the better and ensuring the media’s lasting impact as a fountain of truth, insight, and benefit for all.
With truthfulness, justice, dignity, and wisdom as guiding stars, both the Quran and the Bible outline a sturdy ethical framework for media practices. By embodying these shared values, media professionals can serve as the eyes and ears of the public, inspiring trust and fostering unity. In a world where information flows like a rushing river, these time-tested principles act as a levee, ensuring that media serves as a steady, responsible force.
Through this commitment to shared values, media can rise to be a city on a hill, a beacon of truth and compassion that champions the dignity of all, guides society toward unity, and nurtures a world rooted in wisdom and integrity.
Hindu Perspective on Media Ethics
Hindu scriptures also offer a treasure trove of wisdom, much like an ancient tree with deep roots, providing a framework for truthfulness, integrity, and responsibility. This article explores media ethics through the lens of the Vedas and Upanishads, serving as a guiding lamp for ethical practices.
1. Truthfulness and Positive Communication
The cornerstone of ethical media practices lies in truthfulness. The Rig Veda urges us to “Let your words be truthful and let them be auspicious” (Rig Veda 10.191.2), suggesting that honesty is the soil from which good communication grows. Similarly, the Taittiriya Upanishad advises, “Speak the truth, do your duty” (Taittiriya Upanishad 1.11.3), underscoring that media professionals must uphold truth and fulfil their responsibilities, much like pillars supporting the temple of public trust. This principle is a reminder to handle truth as one would a delicate, precious gem, preserving it without distortion.
2. The Bedrock of Virtues
Truth is not merely a virtue; it is the bedrock on which all ethical behaviour stands. The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad asserts, “Truth is the foundation of all virtues” (Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 5.2.3). In the realm of media, this means that rigorous fact-checking is the backbone of responsible journalism, and misinformation is a slippery slope leading to lost credibility. By rooting itself in truth, the media can avoid being led astray and can uphold its duty to inform and educate with clarity and reliability.
3. Inspiring Goodness and Righteousness
The Bhagavad Gita draws a line in the sand between the divine and the demonic, stating, “There are two kinds of beings: the divine and the demonic. The divine is inclined towards goodness and truth.” (Bhagavad Gita 16.6) Media professionals, as torchbearers of information, are encouraged to align themselves with the path of goodness and truth, ensuring that their work promotes ethical values and constructive engagement. Just as a lighthouse guides ships safely to shore, ethical media can steer society away from divisiveness and misinformation, bringing it closer to unity and enlightenment.
4. The Embodiment of Righteousness
Truthfulness is the heart of righteousness. The Chandogya Upanishad states, “One who speaks truth is the embodiment of righteousness.” (Chandogya Upanishad 7.26.2) For media practitioners, this means that their commitment to truth should reflect in their dedication to fairness and justice in reporting. Fair reporting is like a level playing field, ensuring that all sides are given a voice and that coverage remains impartial. By doing so, media can be society’s pillar of fairness, supporting a more just and equitable community.
5. Sincerity in Communication
Sincerity is a guiding light in ethical media practices. The Atharva Veda calls for speech to be free from deceit, “May our words be free from deceit and falsehood.” (Atharva Veda 12.1.45) In the fast-paced media world, where stories can change at the drop of a hat, this principle reminds professionals to prioritize sincerity and authenticity over sensationalism. In the words of this Vedic wisdom, sincerity is the steady hand that keeps media from falling prey to misleading narratives or bending the truth to fit popular trends.
6. Supremacy of Truth
The Mahabharata reinforces the supremacy of truth with, “Truthfulness is the highest virtue.” (Mahabharata, Anushasana Parva 66.23) This timeless wisdom stands as a guiding star for media ethics, reminding practitioners that truth must remain the highest priority, even if it’s a bitter pill to swallow. By making truth the north star of their work, media professionals ensure that their narratives hold water and serve the public honestly, without giving in to the temptation of altering facts for fleeting gains.
7. Omnipresence of Truth
The Rig Veda celebrates the omnipresence of truth, “O Truth, thou art the lord of all that exists.” (Rig Veda 5.51.1) This poetic expression conveys that truth is universal, as ever-present as the air we breathe, guiding media professionals to stay steadfast in their pursuit of honest and transparent communication. Just as the sun lights the way for all, truth illuminates the path for ethical journalism, ensuring that the media serves as a mirror, not a magnifying glass that distorts reality.
8. Inner Purity and Ethical Reporting
The Katha Upanishad emphasizes inner purity, stating, “The self is not known through discourse, argument or learning. It is known through the purity of the heart” (Katha Upanishad 3.14). For media professionals, this underscores the importance of cultivating inner integrity, ensuring that their work reflects genuine intentions and ethical standards. Like a well-tended garden, media ethics requires weeding out biases and cultivating honesty, so the fruits of reporting are nourishing and beneficial to all.
The Hindu perspective on media ethics, rooted in the Vedas and Upanishads, offers a rich tapestry of principles that emphasize truthfulness, non-violence, fairness, and self-control. These values act as the moral compass for media professionals, guiding them through the rough waters of public scrutiny and the fast currents of digital communication. By integrating these timeless values into their work, media professionals can be the bedrock of public trust, navigating their responsibilities with integrity and contributing to a more informed, just, and compassionate society.
As the custodians of information, media practitioners must align their practices with these ethical guidelines, ensuring their influence is a steady hand on the wheel, steering society toward the greater good. Hindu scriptures remind us that ethical journalism, like a tree deeply rooted in the soil of truth, can withstand the winds of change and continue to bear fruit for generations to come.
How Media Ethics Converge?
The following quotes demonstrate a convergence of thought on the similarities inherent in media ethics across various religious traditions:
“Perhaps, based on the logical propositions of Amar Ma’ruf Nahi Munkar (commanding right and forbidding wrong), practiced by the Ummah (community), as well as adhering to Tawheed (the oneness of God-Allah), we find concepts such as Khayr (goodness), birr (righteousness), Qist (equity), ‘Adl (justice and balance), Haqq (truth and right), Ma’ruf (approved and recognized good), and taqwa (piety), all of which are relevant in discussing ethics in a globalized world.” (Zaheril, p. 153)
"Amidst the ambiguity of Christian responses to violence, there are biblical longings for peace beyond present violence. These longings involve witness, hospitality, friendship, and worship, offering crucial correctives within an often violent world. Ethical engagement with media is essential, as it shapes social and moral perspectives. Christians must thoughtfully navigate these complex realities." (Mitchell, p. xiv)
“Social media and other technologies present ethical dilemmas unknown before the present century. Many face challenges related to healthcare, whether at the beginning of life or near its end. Jewish tradition offers insights into these issues, helping us to think through our circumstances and make the best possible decisions.” (Scheindlin, pp. xxii–xxiii)
Finally, from the Mahabharata: “Dharma is the highest virtue, and truth is the highest dharma.” (Ganguli, p. 416)
Bibliography
Ganguli, KM, Trans: Mahabharata, Anushasana Parva, Chapter 114, Verse 8, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 2004
Mitchell, Jolyon, Media Violence and Christian Ethics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007
Scheindlin, Rabbi Neal, The Jewish Family Ethics Textbook, Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2021
Zaheril, Zainudin, Islamic New Media Ethics, Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies, Volume: 7 – Issue: 1, January – 2017
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(V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is a renowned Indian scholar of Islamic humanism, regularly contributing insightful articles to Newageislam. With unwavering passion, he pioneers Quranic interpretations that champion human dignity, peace and societal progress. His scholarly work inspires transformative change, cultivating critical thought, inclusive dialogue and harmonious coexistence, envisioning a just and compassionate society. He receives his mail at: vamashrof@gmail.com)
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-media/scriptural-foundations-media-practice/d/133652
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Journalists Continue To Be Killed Globally With Impunity—No Accountability Particularly In Gaza, Palestine
By Nava Thakuria, New Age Islam
08 November 2024
As the year 2024 approaches the penultimate month, reports over the killing of journalists and other media employees from different parts of the globe continue to pour in. Shockingly, most of the culprits in those homicides enjoy impunity thanks to the police inaction, low political will and an elongated judicial process, precisely in southern countries like India. The bygone year witnessed the slaying of 140 media workers around the world followed by 116 victims in 2022, 79 in 2021, 92 in 2020, 75 in 2019, 117 in 2018, 99 in 2017, 156 in 2016, 135 in 2015, 138 in 2014, etc.
India recently reported the murder of another journalist to increase its tally to four till date this year. Dilip Saini (45), a correspondent to Asian News International from Fatehpur locality of Uttar Pradesh, was stabbed to death at Sadar Kotwali area on the night of 30 October. The police already arrested five individuals suspecting their role in the murder. Different organisations representing media workers have condemned the incident and demanded adequate compensation to the bereaved family. The Geneva-based global media safety and rights body Press Emblem Campaign (PEC) also condemned the killing with strong words.
PEC president Blaise Lempen, while revealing that Dilip became the 118th journalist to be killed globally since 1 January, demanded a transparent investigation into the murder and punish the perpetrators under the law. Earlier, on the eve of International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists, an UN-recognized global day observed annually on 2 November, the PEC deplored that the record in the fight against impunity remains gloomy particularly this year as the perpetrators of violence and murders committed against journalists over the past days have enjoyed total impunity.
“Since the outbreak of the war in Gaza on 7 October 2023, more than 150 journalists have been killed in Palestine and Lebanon as a result of Israeli reprisals for attacks by Hamas and Hezbollah. Palestinian media facilities and equipment were systematically destroyed. No one responsible at any level, military or civilian, has been prosecuted”, said Lempen, adding that the matter has been referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC), in particular following the murder of a Reuter employee in southern Lebanon, but Israel does not recognize the ICC's jurisdiction.
Last May, ICC prosecutor Karim Khan requested international arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, as well as for several Hamas leaders, for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip and Israel since the start of hostilities unleashed by the Palestinian Islamist movement on 7 October. But Israel reacted by claiming in September that the ICC lacked jurisdiction over the case.
According to the Israeli government, the prosecutor did not respect the statutes of the Court and the principle of complementarity, in that he did not give Israel the opportunity to exercise its right to investigate the accusations made by the prosecutor before the latter submitted his request to the judges. In the absence of ICC proceedings, independent investigations must be carried out.
The Jerusalem authorities have banned foreign journalists from travelling to Gaza, in a bid to prevent credible testimony. Israeli journalists have been allowed in, but only under the supervision of the Israeli army. The PEC strongly condemns these practices. This widespread impunity is very worrying, as it sends out the wrong signal. Elsewhere in the world, impunity remains the rule, as in Mexico, Pakistan and Russia.
PEC once again urges the Israeli army to respect international humanitarian law, and in particular the distinction between civilians and combatants. Admittedly, this distinction is difficult to observe when combatants are hiding among civilians, commented Lempen, adding that the media, clearly identified as such, are seemingly not taking part in the fighting and hence their freedom to inform must be respected, even if they belong to the opposing camp.
In the south & southeast Asian region, Pakistan witnessed the murder of 10 media workers this year namely Jam Saghir Ahmed Lar (Daily Khabrain, Punjab, killed on 14 March), Tahira Nosheen Rana (local Urdu newspaper, Punjab, 22 April), Muhammad Siddiq Mengel (Khuzdar Press Club, Balochistan, 3 May), Mehar Ashfaq Siyal (Daily Khabrain, Punjab, 15 May), Kamran Dawar (YouTube/Facebbok, North Waziristan, 21 May), Nasrullah Gadani (Awami Aghaz, Sindh, 24 May), Khalil Jibran (Khyber News, Pakhtunkhwa, 19 June), Hasan Zaib (Aaj News, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 14 July), Muhammad Bachal Ghunio (Awaz TV, Sindh, 26 August) and Nisar Lehri (Masting Press Club, Balochistan, 4 September).
Bangladesh lost 7 journalists namely Hasan Mehedi (Dhaka Times, 18 July), Shakil Hossain (Bhorer Awaj, Dhaka, 18 July), Abu Taher Md Turab (Naya Diganta, Sylhet, 18 July), Tahir Zaman Priyo (Photo-reporter, Dhaka, 19 July), Pradip Kumar Bhowmik (Khabor Patra, Sirajganj, 4 August), Tanjil Jahan Islam Tamim (Deepto TV, Dhaka, 10 October) and Swapan Kumar Bhadra (Sainik Swajan, Mymensingh, 12 October) to assailants. India earlier recorded three journo-murder victims namely Ashutosh Srivastava (Sudarshan News, Uttar Pradesh, and 13 May), Shivshankar Jha (Hindi media outlets, Bihar, 25 June) and Salman Ali Khan (Rajgarh TV, Madhya Pradesh, and 17 September).
The atrocious military rulers of Myanmar (Burma/ Brahmadesh) perpetrated the untimely deaths of Ko Myat Thu Tun (Democratic Voice of Burma, Mrauk-U, 31 January), Htet Myat Thu (Voice of Thanbyuzayat, Mon State, 21 August) and Win Htut Oo (Democratic Voice of Burma, Mon State, 21 August). On the other hand, Indonesia lost Sempurna Pasaribu (Tribrata TV, Sumatra, and 27 June) and Philippines recorded the killing of Maria Vilma Rodriguez (eMedia Production Network, Mindanao, 22, October) during the last ten months.
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The writer Nava Thakuria is an official representative of PEC in south & Southeast Asia
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-west/journalists-continue-particularly-gaza-palestine-killed/d/133653
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Thursday, November 7, 2024
The Importance of Developing Islamic Process Theology: A Better Understanding of the Human-God Relationship
By Adis Duderija, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
We find ourselves at a unique juncture in the evolution of consciousness. This moment invites profound reflection on the intricate relationship between humanity and God. The unfolding of our world, which is a purposive process, suggests a trajectory toward greater self-awareness, characterised by a freely chosen path of becoming. At the heart of this exploration for Muslims worldwide lies the significance of developing an Islamic process theology, which can deepen our understanding of God’s nature and our relationship with the divine.
The Teleological Journey toward Self-Consciousness
To comprehend the human-God relationship, we must first appreciate an inherent purposefulness and direction in the evolution of the universe. From the earliest moments of creation to the present, the universe has been on a journey toward increasing self-consciousness. This evolving awareness is not merely a human endeavour; it is a manifestation of God’s own reality in the world. As we reflect on our existence, we recognise that the process of becoming is a divine invitation to engage with the Divine more meaningfully and more beautifully.
This perspective challenges the traditional view of God as an eternal subject who exists outside of time and space, only intermittently and supernaturally intervening in the world. Instead, process theology suggests that God is actively involved in the unfolding of creation, embodying freedom and mercy. This understanding emphasizes that the divine essence is not static but dynamic, engaging with the world in an ongoing, relational manner. By recognizing this, we can begin to see our existence as part of a larger narrative in which God’s freedom and self-love are expressed through creation.
The Misunderstanding of the Divine Relationship
Historically, many interpretations of the divine-human relationship have emphasised a stark separation between the sacred and the secular, the material and the spiritual. This dichotomy has led to a misunderstanding of God’s nature and our place in the cosmos. The traditional view often frames the world as a material entity, separate from the divine realm, which can lead to a sense of alienation from God.
Within this framework, the manifestation of God is often perceived as a singular, historical event rather than an ongoing process. This misunderstanding has significant implications for how we relate to God and one another. If we view the world as disconnected from the divine, we may struggle to recognize the sacred in our daily lives, fostering a sense of separation that can lead to despair and disillusionment.
Conversely, an Islamic process theology can help bridge this gap. By reconceptualising the divine-human relationship as one of interconnectedness and mutual influence, we can appreciate that our experiences of freedom and self-consciousness are not merely secular pursuits but are deeply rooted in our relationship with God. This perspective invites us to see ourselves as active participants in the divine narrative, contributing to the ongoing process of creation.
The Nature of God: Freedom and Self-Love
At the core of Islamic process theology is the understanding of God as the Free Being is a divine entity whose essence is characterised by freedom and self-love. This conception of God transcends the traditional view of a distant, controlling deity, presenting instead a God who is intimately involved in the unfolding of existence. Such a God does not impose His will upon creation but rather invites creatures to participate in the divine life.
This understanding of God as the Free Being aligns with the Islamic tenet of tawhid, the unicity of God. Tawhid emphasises that God’s essence is unified and indivisible, reflecting a profound interconnectedness within creation. This interconnectedness is not merely theological; it has practical implications for how we approach our relationships with others and with the world around us. Recognising the divine presence in every aspect of creation encourages a sense of responsibility and stewardship, urging us to act with compassion and justice.
Furthermore, the manifestation of God’s self-love through creation serves as a reminder of our inherent worth. In seeking freedom and fulfilment, human beings are not rebelling against the divine order; rather, they are embodying the very essence of God’s creation. This perspective reframes the narrative of humanity’s relationship with God, allowing us to embrace our freedom as a divine gift rather than a burden or limitation.
The Modern Human Experience: A Reflection of the Divine
In the modern era, there is a tendency to perceive humanity as increasingly secular, detached from the divine. However, this interpretation may overlook the profound ways in which contemporary individuals seek meaning and connection with the divine. The quest for freedom both personal and collective can be seen as a reflection of the divine nature embedded within humanity.
As we navigate a world marked by rapid change and complexity, the human experience of freedom takes on new significance. Rather than being viewed as merely secular or demystified, modern humanity can be understood as embodying a unique proximity to God. The search for purpose, authenticity, and connection reflects a yearning for the divine that transcends traditional religious boundaries. In this light, the development of an Islamic process theology becomes even more relevant, as it provides a framework for understanding how our experiences of freedom relate to the divine.
By embracing this perspective, we can foster a deeper appreciation for the sacredness of human existence. Each individual’s journey toward self-awareness can be seen as a microcosm of the greater divine narrative, where every choice and action contributes to the ongoing process of creation. This understanding encourages a sense of solidarity among individuals, as we recognize our shared pursuit of wisdom, meaning and connection with the divine.
Building an Islamic Process Theology
The development of an Islamic process theology requires a re-evaluation of traditional theological concepts such as revelation in light of contemporary understandings of existence and consciousness. This process involves engaging with both classical Islamic texts and modern philosophical insights to create a dynamic and relevant framework for understanding the divine-human relationship.
One critical aspect of this development is the integration of insights from various Islamic traditions, including Sufism, which emphasizes the experiential dimension of faith. Sufi thought often highlights the relational aspects of the divine, emphasizing love, mercy, and the transformative power of the human experience. By synthesizing these insights with contemporary philosophical perspectives, we can construct a theology that resonates with the lived experiences of Muslims today.
Moreover, engaging with interdisciplinary approaches drawing from psychology, sociology, and environmental ethics can enrich our understanding of the human-God relationship. By exploring how our spiritual beliefs influence our interactions with the world and each other, we can foster a holistic understanding of faith that emphasises interconnectedness and responsibility.
The Practical Implications of Islamic Process Theology
The development of an Islamic process theology has profound implications for how we engage with the world. It encourages a shift away from dogmatic certainty toward a more open and exploratory approach to faith. This openness can facilitate dialogue among diverse communities, fostering a spirit of collaboration and mutual understanding.
In practical terms, this theology can inform ethical frameworks that prioritize compassion, justice, and environmental stewardship. Recognizing the interconnectedness of all beings encourages Muslims to engage actively with social and ecological issues, fostering a sense of responsibility that reflects the divine mandate to care for creation.
Furthermore, an Islamic process theology can provide a foundation for interfaith dialogue, as it emphasizes shared human experiences and the quest for meaning. By focusing on our commonalities rather than our differences, we can work together to address pressing global challenges, such as poverty, inequality, and climate change.
Embracing the Journey of Becoming
In conclusion, the development of Islamic process theology is essential for deepening our understanding of the human-God relationship. By recognizing our existence as part of a dynamic, ongoing process of becoming, we can appreciate the divine manifestation of freedom and self-love in our lives. As we navigate the complexities of modern existence, let us embrace the journey of becoming, recognizing that our experiences of freedom and self-consciousness are intimately tied to the divine. Through the development of an Islamic process theology, we as Muslims can foster a deeper sense of connection with God and with one another, paving the way for a more compassionate, just, and interconnected world. This journey invites us not only to reflect on our place within the divine narrative but also to actively participate in the unfolding of creation, embodying the love and mercy that God extends to all beings.
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A decades old patron of New Age Islam, Dr Adis Duderija is a Senior Lecturer in the Study of Islam and Society, School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science; Senior Fellow Centre for Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue, Griffith University | Nathan | Queensland | Australia. His forthcoming books are (co-edited) - Shame, Modesty, and Honour in Islam and Interfaith Engagement beyond the Divide (Springer)
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islamic-ideology/developing-islamic-process-human-relationship/d/133643
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From Global Call to Spiritual Endeavour: The Ottoman Declaration of Jihad in World War I and Its Legacy in Modern Muslim Thought
By Grace Mubashir, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
The Ottoman Empire’s Declaration Of Jihad In World War I Represents A Significant Historical Moment In The Relationship Between Politics And Religion In The Muslim World. The Event Illustrates the Potential for Religious Mobilisation but Also Highlights the Complexity of Muslim Responses, Especially Among Indian Muslims under British Rule
Major Points:
The Ottoman Declaration of Jihad is a valuable historical reference, reminding us of the need for nuanced, balanced, and ethical approaches to religious teachings in a rapidly changing world.
In the contemporary world, the Ottoman Declaration offers lessons on the limits of religious declarations in global politics, as well as insights into the evolving understanding of jihad
The historical context of the Ottoman call underscores the changing nature of religious obligations in modern Muslim-majority societies, where concepts like jihad are reinterpreted to align with values of peace, justice, and social progress.
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In November 1914, the Ottoman Empire, an important and strategic Muslim-majority empire in the first decades of the 20th century made the momentous decision to issue a call to jihad against the Allied Powers in World War I. This declaration is one of the last big efforts by a political leader to mobilize global Muslim solidarity under the banner of religious duty. The Ottoman call was to invite the world's Muslims to join the cause and support the now-allied Ottoman Empire under the Central Powers. The Declaration held enormous political and religious significance in the history texts as Muslims in British India were regularly challenged on loyalty towards the British on sentiments of faith.
I take the historical context of the Ottoman declaration of jihad, how Indian Muslims reacted to it, and to what extent this event remains relevant today. Finally, I discuss the concept of modern jihad and assess the changes in possible interpretations within the wider context of the historical "expiry" nature of such proclamations in today's world.
Historical Background of the Ottoman Declaration of Jihad
The Ottoman Empire was known by the early 20th century as the "Sick Man of Europe" since it had lost a significant amount of its territory and political power. At the beginning of 1914, as Europe headed towards war, the Ottomans found themselves in a precarious situation. Although the Ottoman Empire remained neutral initially, the empire soon entered the war as part of the Central Powers, which consisted of Germany and Austria-Hungary.
This decision was motivated by a complex interplay of factors: economic promises from Germany, a desire for once-lost prestige, and a strategic vision of safeguarding Ottoman territories from the confluence of European powers. As soon as the Ottoman Empire declared war, its leadership- the Young Turks and Sultan Mehmed V, who was also the caliph- recognised an available source of mobilisation in religious solidarity. On November 11, 1914, the Ottoman Empire declared jihad against the Allies, particularly Great Britain, France, and Russia, and called on Muslims under their rule to rise up against their colonisers.
As the Ottoman Sultan was also the caliph, the highest spiritual leader for Sunni Muslims, this declaration carried weight and could, theoretically, mobilise Muslims worldwide.
This declaration of Ottoman jihad was ultimately political. It was meant to bring weaknesses to the Allied forces through rebellion in colonies and stretch the hands of European governments. Yet, the religious appeal was true as well, formulated based on the principles of the religion and in defence of Muslim territory against the enemy's attack. The Ottoman declaration of jihad did not find people's warm appreciation but rather caused discussion among Muslims dwelling around the globe.
Indian Muslims and their reaction
This declaration of jihad by the Ottomans hit Muslims in India very strongly who were under the control of the British. Indians had for a long time regarded the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph as a spiritual entity even though political loyalty lay with the British Raj. The dual allegiance is, in fact, the very complex reality of Indian Muslims: on one side, they respect the caliphate of the Ottoman, and on the other side, they are under obligation to the British as a colonial subject.
Loyalty and Dissent
British officials were deeply worried by the implications of the Ottoman declaration for the Indian Muslims. To ensure loyalty, British officials had to convince Indian Muslims that the war was not a holy crusade and acted to ensure the general population would not fight on behalf of the Central Powers. Despite these efforts, the call to jihad did kindle some riots and tensions within India. Most Indian Muslims remained loyal to the British, while some perceived the Ottoman declaration as a valid summons to defend the caliphate. This led to the establishment of the Khilafat Movement, which began in India during the end of the First World War, as one response to the perceived threat against the Ottoman caliph and for upholding the authority of the caliph.
The movement was technically not a response to the Ottoman declaration of jihad, but it expressed the attachment of Indian Muslims to the Ottoman caliphate and broader concerns about Muslim unity.
The Role of the Ulama Indian ulama reacted to the call by the Ottomans in different ways. Some were on the side of the British Since, they argued that Muslims of India had contractual obligations towards the Raj. Others clandestinely felt the call of the Ottomans but kept their support on that to themselves for reasons of politics. However, some religious leaders and activists encouraged Indian Muslims to interpret the declaration of jihad by the Ottomans as a justified call.
This brought in all the complexities of Indian Muslims in the colonial world: the call of the Ottomans was reverberating deep into regions full of religious sentiments.
The modern relevance of the Ottoman Declaration of Jihad
Today, the Ottoman Empire is a relic of the past, and no caliphate is currently united. However, the fact that the Ottoman declaration of jihad in 1914 has contemporary relevance, which it does both as a historical experience and as a yardstick in discussions about political Islam, Muslim solidarity, and the use of religion for political mobilisation gives us a clue about one aspect of the issue.
Religious and Political Mobilisation Lessons
This is a classic example of how political leaders use religious sentiments for national or political interests. Even though the players may not be traditional political leaders, modern political activists in many majority Muslim regions continue using religious rhetoric to create unity and legitimate governance. This declaration reminds us of the power and reach of religious declarations, especially in the lives of any society that defines itself based on faith.
Impact on the Concept of Jihad
The Ottomans' new declaration further elicited great discussions on jihad's nature. The very term "jihad" in modern times has become synonymous with the wrong use, exploitation, and the most vicious association with violence. Such present-day deliberations about jihad can therefore be presented as deliberations on the legitimate defence, self-determination, and resistance against injustice by regarding the 1914 declaration of the Ottoman Empire only as a defence and a strategic means rather than an appeal to violence.
Impact on Muslim Unity
This statement also speaks to the problem of Muslim unity in a world of nation-states. The Ottomans' call was among the last Muslim leaders who could strive to mobilize Muslims around the world for a unified cause-a cause largely done away with by the advent of nationalism and localized administration. This throws challenges to those who advocate for Muslim unity without disputing the complexity of national borders and cultural diversities.
The End of Jihad in the Contemporary World
As the world transforms itself, so do interpretations of jihad. For most contemporary Muslims, the tradition of a caliph-led global jihad no longer resonates with their reality. Modern scholars argue that many of the traditional calls to jihad—particularly those declared by a caliph or ruler—are largely outdated in the global context where Muslims are now minorities and majorities under differing political systems.
Interpretations of Terrorism:
In the modern world, jihad is more seen as a personal, spiritual battle rather than an armed campaign against perceived enemies. The shift in perception further exposes the different interpretations of jihad by the Muslim communities. Most Islamic scholars assert that jihad cannot be identified with violence but, instead, is a way of striving for justice, self-improvement, and social good.
The Political Constraints of Jihad
The Ottoman Declaration of Jihad shows that politically motivated calls to religiously sanctioned warfare may, under all circumstances, not speak to Muslim populations. The concept of jihad in the age of nation-states has to be adapted to new realities. National sovereignty, international law, and global governance have been reasons for a world in which calls to a universal jihad face practical limitations and frequently provoke criticism.
Some modern interpretations redefine jihad in humanitarian and social terms. Today, it means striving for better education and working for social justice by defending the rights of oppressed populations within the legal frameworks of contemporary nation-states. Its interpretations stress the peaceful content of jihad as a battle for justice, exactly according to the Quranic appeals for compassion, the care of community welfare, and moral conduct.
Is Political Jihad Expiring?
Thus, the Ottoman declaration of jihad in World War I marks one of the last efforts to call for a political and military jihad with international implications. Under modern conditions, a unitary call under religious authority is less practicable and pertinent. All Muslim-majority countries, no matter how strong their religious identity, operate in international systems wherein diplomacy, economic ties, and international law often supersede calls to militant action.
Conclusion
The declaration of Jihad by the Ottoman Empire of World War I is one of the more significant historical moments related to the Muslim world - politics vs. religion. And the event demonstrated the muscle of religious mobilisation on one side, but ultimately unveiled a much more mixed Muslim response, especially for India's Muslims who were otherwise under the rule of their British patrons. The call actually reminded the Indian Muslims that their true loyalty lay during the entire event.
The declaration by the Ottoman has very many lessons in this modern world, mostly teaching on the limitations of the religious declaration in world politics and how jihad changes and is being perceived by mankind. Today jihad doesn't demand living by arms but a more spiritual life that can change personal lives as well as communal living conditions for improvement.
The historical context of the Ottoman call, therefore, is characterised by the changing nature of religious obligations in modern Muslim-majority societies as concepts such as jihad are adapted to values of peace, justice, and social progress. The declaration of jihad by the Ottoman Empire is an excellent example in history and reminds one needs refined, balanced, and sensible approaches towards religious teachings in any changing world.
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A regular columnist for NewAgeIslam.com, Mubashir V.P is a PhD scholar in Islamic Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia and freelance journalist.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-terrorism-jihad/global-spiritual-endeavour-ottoman-jihad-modern-muslim/d/133645
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Orientalism and Islamophobia: Conventional Study of Islam in the West Has Generated Fear of Islam
By Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
The history of Islam is as old as human existence on this earth. This is the reason why Islam has always been the centre of study by different religious scholars. In this context, when we see the thoughts of Western thinkers and writers, researchers and scholars, it is clear that they have studied Islam in the light of their specific intellectual perspective and philosophical principles and rules.
On the contrary, when we look at the methods of studying religions in the East, we find that the study of religions in the East is based on a traditional approach.
Today, if we compare the way of research and writing on various religions in Western and Eastern schools of thoughts, we see a clear difference between the two. In the way the West has made the study of religions and the way they understand or explain religion, prejudice and narrow-mindedness are evidently seen here in the name of rationalism and objectivity.
After reading the research presented by the West regarding the study of religions, especially the study of Islam, a trend of dissatisfaction and dislike towards the religion of Islam begins to arise.
The manner in which the West studied Islam after the Crusades has played a fundamental role in creating an atmosphere of Islamophobia in the society. The fact is that the crusades which the West considered auspicious for themselves, became a source of destruction for them. Further, the tendencies against Islam and Muslims that came before Western thinkers and writers are certainly unbearable.
We see that its effects still prevail today. After the failure of the Crusades, the Orientalists deliberately targeted the teachings of Islam in a systematic and stable manner. Obviously, the purpose of this was to disgust the people with the transparent and balanced teachings of Islam.
In the name of objective study, independent research and freedom of expression, Orientalists have not only raised the strongest objections to the Qur'an and Sunnah, Hadith and other Islamic sources and references, but they have spent their means and resources for its sake. This is still going on.
In order to understand the tone and manner in which the Orientalists have invaded the teachings of Islam, or the manner in which Islam has been presented, and to develop familiarity with this style, the book of the well-known scholar and prominent figure Prof. Abdul Rahim Qadwai "Islam in the eyes of the people of the West" and "Quranic aspects" need to be seen.
The second invasion on Islam and Muslims in the West came in the spate of colonialism. All the European nations came out of their own geographical space and soon occupied the entire Islamic world. Behind this colonial invasion was the notion of the White Man's burden. The meaning of this concept was that only white nations are civilized in the world. The rest of the nations are uncivilized. So it is the duty of the whites to civilize the uncivilized nations.
One way to civilize them was to make them Christians. Another way to make them civilized was to make them mere imitators of the West. So, the western nations imposed their religion on the Muslims along with their sciences, arts and laws. They introduced their own judicial system to them.
After that, in the way the West studied Islam, there is an aspect of more severity. Christian Missionaries were sent to various countries and the means sought was to convert people to Christianity. Among these societies there was significant poverty. So they went to the poor areas and implemented their agenda. A large number of people were made to turn away from their own beliefs and ideology.
The third invasion of the West on Islam and Muslims was after 9/11. After that the atmosphere against Islam was established not only in the West but in the whole world. After 9/11 hatred and enmity towards Islam was spread which promoted Islamophobia around the world. In promoting this mission of the West, the biased media gave full support. Since 9/11, fanatics and enemies in the West have studied Islam in a way that basically includes the idea that Muslims are fundamentalists, extremists and that they cannot tolerate any ideas and thoughts other than their own. Islam is an obstacle to progress. Islam is a threat to all peaceful people.
This aggressive and bigoted attitude of the West against Islam not only promoted Islamophobia in the Western society, but also created an atmosphere of Islamophobia in the whole world. This effort is still going on.
In the light of the above, it can be said with full confidence that the so-called objectivist thinkers of the West and their colleagues have studied Islam in a manner which is prejudiced, narrow-minded and intolerable. Their negative attitude towards Islam is definitely causing unrest and tension at the social level. Such so-called thinkers and intellectuals should think that this situation of ours is absolutely not suitable for today's society with pluralistic traditions. Imagine. The religion presented a comprehensive concept of morals and character, peace and order, patience and tolerance and sense of responsibility, rights and duties in the society. Today Islamic teachings are being distorted and presented globally to unsuspecting masses with devastating effects on global harmony.
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The author can be reached at: ubfzdqasmi@gmail.com
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URL: https://newageislam.com/muslims-islamophobia/orientalism-islamophobia-islam-fear-generated/d/133644
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Suicide: The Ultimate Existential Right
By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
Reading Albert Camus', 'The Myth of Sisyphus,' many years ago, the book-length essay began with the famous line in French: Il N'y a Qu'un Problème Philosophique Vraiment Sérieux: c'est le suicide. I stopped at his deeply thought-stirring words and didn't proceed further: 'There's but one truly serious philosophical problem, and that's suicide.' Judging whether life is or is not worth living amounts to answering the fundamental question of philosophy. All the rest-whether or not the world has three dimensions, whether the mind has nine or twelve categories-comes afterward. These are games; one must first answer. By the way, Camus never argued in favour of suicide. He averred that suicide is not useful because there is no more meaning in death than in life. Yet, in a letter to his friend and mentor Jean Grenier, Camus wrote, “When happiness is absurd and life's meaningless, suicide is not wholly pointless." There's no denying the fact that suicide intrigued him and it was certainly not a 'coward's choice' to him.
If life's an absurd, meaningless pantomime, don't we owe it to ourselves to do the logical thing, and end it? Camus is not being morose here; he was, by all accounts, a warm and amiable individual who relished life. Rather, he asks us to be dispassionately logical. Many have taken their lives from despair or despondency, but who has done so from the necessary conclusion of a logical chain of reasoning? We must also distinguish between having a reason to kill oneself, and suicide motivated by the ultimate meaninglessness of life. The former may be a rational option-as it was for the Stoics-even for those who retain a sense of life's meaning, but whose dignity, or quality of life, has permanently dropped below a level acceptable to them. However, suicide based on the absurdity of life would be different, more fundamental: It's philosophically justified suicide, which says 'no' to life whatever the circumstances.
So, philosophically speaking, is life worth living? Sisyphus' task is pointless, and even what's achieved is consequently undone. However, pointlessness is different to meaninglessness, a distinction that Camus stressed, for acceptance of the Absurd is merely the first step to a higher philosophy. If we overcome our disappointment and despair, avoiding the false lures of hope and illusory dreams, then we can achieve a new clarity and strength. At the end of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex, the tragic hero finds himself blind, desperate, and exiled, yet accepts both his choices and absurd fate. Could we not similarly conclude that, despite our absurd existence, and all that life throws at us, 'all's well'?
Personally, I've always believed that suicide's the ' ultimate exercise of human volition.' It's the extreme manifestation of existential choice. Why can't I die when I'm of no use to anyone, even to myself? And why should one be embarrassed about what the people will say when one ends one's life? If life belongs to an individual, death too is an inalienable part and parcel of his /her existence. Waiting for the perfect moment to shuffle off the mortal coil, Bhishma told Karna when the latter came to see him: " Karna, life comes to a full circle when death's in your hands and at your beck and call ", knowing very well that the man (Karna) he was telling this to, already chose his death by giving away his earrings and impenetrable armour making himself gleefully vulnerable to death. Wasn't it an 'Altruistic Suicide'? I reiterate that life is precious. Zindagi Milegi Na Dobara. To quote, Shaikh Ibrahim Zauq, "Ab Toh Ghabra Ke Ye Kahte Hain Ki Mar Jayenge/ Mar Ke Bhi Chain Na Paya Toh Kidhar Jayenge" (Frustrated, I decide to commit suicide/ But even if there's no respite after death, where'll I go to?). Suicide as an individual's choice must be discouraged but as a person's individual right, suicide cannot be condemned. To quote Naazish Kirmani, “Wahi Jaanta Hai Jis Pe Guzri Ho/ Khudkushi Ke Liye Bhi Jigar Chahiye “(He knows who underwent the trial/ One should be fearless to commit suicide). Remember, suicide is not merely a moral dilemma, it's also an existential quandary.
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A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/suicide-ultimate-existential-right/d/133642
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Sufi Colours of Kashmir: The Legacy of Baba Dawood Khaki and Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi
By Sahil Razvi, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
Baba Dawood Khaki, A Devoted Disciple Of Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi, Spent His Life In Service Of Spirituality, Transcending Sectarian Lines And Guiding Countless Followers In Kashmir Towards Higher Spiritual Truths.
Main Points
1. The Spiritual Journey of Kashmir: Baba Dawood Khaki and His Bond with Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi
2. Kashmir’s Sufi Heritage: The Legacy of Baba Dawood Khaki and Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi
3. The Light of Kashmir: Baba Dawood Khaki and the Miracle on Koh’i Maraan
4. Kashmir’s Sufi Essence: The Knowledge and Wisdom of Baba Dawood Khaki
5. Sufi Colours of Kashmir: The Legacy of Baba Dawood Khaki and Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi
Born in 1500 (908 Hijri) as Mullah Daulat Khaki in the Kalashpora region of Srinagar, Baba Dawood Khaki came from the Ganai family, traditionally meat traders. Known as ‘Baba,’ he adopted ‘Dawood’ as his title. His rigorous education in Islamic sciences like Fiqh and Tafseer earned him the position of tutor to the royal family, and eventually, Chief Justice in the court of Sultan Ali Shah.
A Transformative Encounter with Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi
Despite his prominent lifestyle, Baba Dawood Khaki's meeting with Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi became a profound turning point. Under his mentor’s guidance, Khaki chose a path of self-mortification and humility. In a lesson on material wealth's futility, Sheikh Hamza once asked him to fetch earth from Koh’i Maraan, which miraculously turned to gold a reminder that worldly riches cannot fulfil spiritual needs.
Bridging Sectarian Divisions through Vision
During the 1550s, as sectarian divides grew in Kashmir, Khaki sought divine guidance. According to his account in Dastoor-al-Salikeen After three days of prayer, he experienced a vision of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) entering Koh’i Maraan Mosque, followed by the four Rightly Guided Caliphs. This vision symbolised spiritual continuity and called for unity among Muslims.
Legacy as "Imam Azam Sani" and Sufi Mentor
Baba Dawood Khaki was revered as "Imam Azam Sani" for his knowledge of Fiqh and Hadith. His influence created a lineage of Sufi disciples, including Mir Nazuk Qadiri and Baba Naseeb-ud-Din Gazi, who contributed to Kashmir's spiritual heritage. Through his teachings, Khaki instilled humility, compassion, and devotion in his disciples.
A Life Devoted to Service and Spirituality
Baba Dawoodi Khaki passed away in 1585 (994 Hijri) during a journey in south Kashmir's Anantnag. He was laid to rest beside his spiritual guide, Sheikh Hamza Makhdoomi, at the revered site of 'Koh’i Maraan' in Srinagar. Baba Dawoodi Khaki's life remains a beacon of spiritual strength, bridging sects and inspiring unity within the Islamic faith. His legacy as both a scholar and a Sufi saint continues to inspire Kashmiris and seekers of truth beyond borders and generations.
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Sahil Razvi is an Author and Research scholar specializing in Sufism and History and an alumnus of Jamia Millia Islamia.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-spiritualism/sufi-kashmir-baba-dawood-khaki-sheikh-hamza-makhdoomi/d/133641
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Albert Camus' (Benevolent) Atheism
By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam
07 November 2024
Declaration: The Times of India intends to carry an abridged version of the following write up on Camus' atheism. He was born on November 7.
"Albert Camus demonstrated an atheism that was sympathetic to theists. This is remarkably distinct from the “New Atheists” of our time, who argue that theism is dangerous because it opens the door to fundamentalism. But fundamentalism is not just a conviction that one’s sacred text is complete and true, but also a demand that we all believe and act consistently with that text. Camus recognized that this demand for radical consistency is shared by other forms of extremism."
Craig DeLancey
One of the most intriguing statements in the whole gamut of philosophy and metaphysics is the French existentialist Albert Camus' oxymoronic proclamation that, “I don't believe in god and I'm not an atheist." While it sounds paradoxical, it's pregnant with profundity (and also, profanity to some!). First of all, non-belief in god is a narrow and entirely negative self-description that ignores all the other things you might either believe in or not. Camus was absolutely right more than six decades ago. He died in a car crash on Jan 4, 1960. Though Existentialism is broadly defined as atheistic, it has two schools: Atheistic and Theistic. Nietzsche, Jean Paul Sartre, Camus and Simone de Beauvoir are known to belong to the atheistic branch of Existentialism and the Danish Existentialist Soren Kierkegaard (often considered the father of Existentialism), Karl Jaspers and Karl Rahner were believing Existentialists.
In today's religiously surcharged world where every second person is mad about god, religion and all sorts of esoteric beliefs, there are individuals sans any belief in god and religion. They proudly call and project themselves as atheists or non-believers. This has given birth to a weird dichotomy of theists and atheists. Both are obstinate because both theists as well as atheists are pigeonholed. The point is: One can have no belief in any damn god or man-made faith, yet, one remains a believer and not an atheist. Your belief in oneself makes you a believer. It has a streak of positivism whereas an atheist is full of negativity and he denies things because he has programmed himself to defy and deny all things. In today's volatile times, an atheist is as problematic, if not dangerous, as a theist has been.
If theism is a label, atheism is also a tag. Moreover, Upanishadic philosophy, Sankhya Darshan, Jainism and Buddhism don't believe in the Creator but don't call themselves as atheistic belief systems. Upanishadic Aham Brahmasmi (I'm the Truth) or Mansoor-al-Hallaj's An-al-Haq is the same. Both don't believe in a conventional or concocted god of the hoi polloi but believe in oneself: I'm the Truth. So, how can Upanishads and Mysticism (Sufism) be called atheistic? Human mind is forever stuck in a too simplistic binary of theism and atheism. Non-belief also has innumerable shades and hues. Atheism closes all doors and possibilities. It's the philosophy of nay-sayers. Human existence doesn't move in binaries and dichotomies. There're shades and sub-shades to whatever is seen or perceived by the senses. So, Camus was bang-on when he proclaimed that though he had no faith in god, he still wasn't an atheist. Like Camus, we all must refrain from all sorts of nomenclature. Remember the famous saying, naming is killing. Though it's difficult for the ordinary mortals to emulate Camus, they can at least learn from him that slotting and pigeonholing individuals is not a good idea. Believers, who're always in a majority and shall remain so, have this tendency to brand anyone an atheist whom they perceive as anti-god and anti-religion. Theists and atheists are equally imbecile. Both are morons and monomaniacs and both the categories are bellicose. Humans need to go beyond the fixed definitions of many words and terms. Ludwig Wittgenstein's Semantic Insouciance is required to define certain words. By the way, there's a beautiful word in English for a person who has gone beyond theism and atheism. He's called an apatheist.
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A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/albert-camus-benevolent-atheism/d/133640
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Wednesday, November 6, 2024
Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah: The Sufi Mystic Who Inspired Generations to Embrace Unity
By Syed Amjad Hussain, New Age Islam
06 November, 2024
The Article Explores Dewa Sharif, The Shrine Of Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah, Emphasising Its Role As A Symbol Of Unity Among Diverse Faiths. The Annual Holi Celebration Reflects This Spirit Of Coexistence, Highlighting The Saint's Teachings Of Love And Inclusivity.
Main points:
1. Dewa Sharif serves as a powerful symbol of coexistence among Hindus and Muslims, exemplified by its Holi celebrations.
2. The saint emphasized love, spirituality, and inclusivity, transcending religious divides.
3. The annual Urs and Dewa Mela attract millions, showcasing diverse cultural expressions.
4. Prominent Sufi poets, like Hazrat Bedam Shah and Hazrat Aughat Shah, continued Hazrat Waris Ali Shah’s legacy through their inclusive poetry.
5. Hazrat Waris Ali Shah welcomed women into his spiritual community, promoting equal participation in spiritual practices.
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Introduction
Just 42 kilometers from Lucknow stands the dargah shrine of Sufi Saint Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah. This shrine signifies unyielding devotion to coexistence across sectarian divides. Every year, the fabulous festival of Holi at Dewa Sharif serves as a reminder of this message, inviting all sections of society to celebrate a common festival of colours and joy.
History
Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah was not only a saint but also a prominent figure in the Qadiriyya-Razzakiyya Sufi order, being a descendant of the 26th generation of Hazrat Imam Hussain ibn Hazrat Maula Ali. His teachings fostered a sense of brotherhood, allowing people from all backgrounds to seek refuge and guidance within the shrine. Muhammad Saad Mahmood, honorary manager of the Haji Waris Ali Shah Mausoleum Trust, states, "The Pir was on an extensive tour where he met the czar of Russia, the queen of England, and the monarch of Germany. He had no idea what they would discuss, but his aura was such that wherever he went, the greats sought an audience with him."
Two of his prominent disciples were Hazrat Bedam Shah Warsi and Hazrat Aughat Shah Warsi, well-known Sufi poets whose works reflect the mystical and inclusive teachings of Hazrat Waris Ali Shah. Their poetry has enriched the Sufi tradition and continues to inspire followers.
Hazrat Waris Ali Shah’s sayings reflect profound wisdom, such as: "Love for worldly life makes one a wild animal, and love for God turns one into an angel." This highlights the transformative nature of divine love, urging followers to seek spiritual fulfilment beyond material pursuits. He also proclaimed, "If there is love, you will get everything; if there is no love, you will get nothing," underscoring that love is the essence of true satisfaction.
A Poetic Tribute
The soul's desire for divine connection is beautifully expressed in this Urdu verses of Naat written by Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah
Naat:
Ilaahii Kaun Din Hogaa Jo Pahu.Nchuu.Ngaa Madiina Me.N
Dar-E-Aqdas Shah-E-Kaunain Chuumuu.Ngaa Madiina Me.N
Khudaa Pahu.Nchaa.E Darbaar-E-Shahanshaah-E-Do-A.Lam Me.N
Bajaay Nazr Apnii Jaan Ko Duu.Ngaa Madiina Me.N
Meaning:
When will the day come that I can reach Medina,
And touch the door of the sovereign of both worlds?
O Lord, take me to the court of the Sovereign of the universe,
Instead of a mere sacrificial offering, I will present my very soul as a gift from Medina.
This poem encapsulates the yearning for divine closeness and spiritual elevation, themes deeply embedded in Sufi tradition.
Holi Celebrations: The Festival of Unity
The Holi celebrations at Dewa Sharif have become synonymous with unity between Hindus and Muslims. While Holi is primarily observed as a Hindu festival elsewhere, at Dewa Sharif, it transforms into a shared expression of joy. For devotees like Anuj Kumar Maurya, who travel over 40 kilometres to participate, the experience is deeply personal. "I used to pray for a beautiful, caring wife, and look how God has favoured me," he remarked, gazing at his wife Pammi, who also had her own secret wishes.
A Sikh Devotee of Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah, Sardar Ranjeet Singh, a Delhi resident who has celebrated Holi at Dewa Sharif for over 10 years, shares, "I used to stay inside my house during Holi, but when I first came to play here, I got completely drenched in colours."
While the exact origins of the Holi tradition at the shrine remain unclear, some followers believe that Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah himself participated, thereby establishing the practice. The fusion of rituals underscores the shrine's role as a crucible for spiritual and cultural synthesis. Shahzada Alam Warsi notes, "The Holi here has been played for over 100 years," observing how the celebrations have evolved to welcome an increasing number of visitors.
The Dewa Mela: A Festival of Spiritual Heritage
The annual Urs, or commemoration of Hazrat Haji Waris Ali Shah, attracts nearly a million devotees—both Muslims and Hindus—to the Dewa Mela, celebrated in October-November. This event features a variety of cultural programs, including qawwali performances and poetry recitals, transforming the dargah into a vibrant hub of artistic expression. Hazrat Ghafoor Shah Husami Warsi, a Writer and Poet from Karai Parsurai writes, "Waris Piya undertook the Hajj pilgrimage several times and made extensive visits to the West, meeting various dignitaries. His life served as a bridge between cultures and faiths."
Message of Inclusivity and Equality
The teachings of Hazrat Waris Ali Shah resonate strongly in contemporary society, advocating for inclusivity and respect for all faiths. He encouraged his disciples to pursue a spiritual path that transcended religious identities. Prof. Wahajuddin Alvi, a retired professor at Urdu Department of Jamia Milia Islamia, highlights this inclusiveness, stating, "Hazrat Waris Piya wanted people in India to transcend religious and sectarian divides, which is why he participated in Hindu festivals like Holi."
His commitment to gender equality is also noteworthy; he welcomed women into his spiritual fold, a progressive stance for his time. This legacy of acceptance continues to inspire followers, creating space for everyone to express their spirituality.
Conclusion
Dewa Sharif stands as a poignant reminder of the enduring power of unity in diversity. The annual celebrations of Holi and the ongoing tradition of Urs cultivate an environment of love, respect, and shared spirituality. The vibrant colours of Holi symbolize not only the festival but also the deep harmony that forms the essence of this revered dargah. This legacy is further amplified by the poetry of disciples like Hazrat Bedam Shah Warsi and Hazrat Aughat Shah Warsi, ensuring that the message of peace transcends generations. Ultimately, Hazrat Waris Ali Shah's wisdom—that love is the core substance of existence—remains a guiding light for fostering understanding in a diverse world.
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Syed Amjad Hussain is an Author and Independent Research scholar on Sufism and Islam. He is currently working on a book on the History of Sufism in Bihar.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-spiritualism/hazrat-haji-waris-ali-shah-sufi-mystic-unity/d/133634
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When Neutrality Is Desirable
By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam
06 November, 2024
Declaration: This is an extended and contextualised version of the writer's article 'A Calculated Choice' that appeared in The Times of India, Speaking Tree (November 2).
"Neutrality may not be an admirable (moral) quality or stance but it saves one from a dilemma and plethora of choices; often undesirable."
Anon
This is what's happening at the moment. Look at the ensuing Presidential election scenario in the US. The fiercely raging electoral battle between Kamala Harris (Democratic nominee) and Donald Trump (Republican nominee) has resulted in extreme polarisation of American society and it has also left people spoilt for choice. This overabundance of choices or the classic embarras de richesses has made a large section of people averse to choices. We're witnessing the same in India where a plethora of political parties of all hues and shades with a huge number of candidates have practically baffled and bamboozled the voters. One feels that it's better to stay away from this shambolic charade and instead, witness the proceedings from a distance. But can this neutrality be called desirable? Mind you, to be neutral doesn't mean inertia or sluggishness. Nor is it shunning one's fundamental and moral responsibility. Neutrality is mindful non-participation. As human beings, we are called to assess, judge and act as moral beings. Once we have eaten of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, we have no choice but to be active in our moral and political lives, and a big part of this turns on deciding what is right and wrong, and who is right and wrong.
Neutrality is treated with significant suspicion in ethics. It is an ambivalent position – a vice more often than a virtue. Neutrality which is evasive and cowardly is not a deep human value for which we should always strive. It is understandable, then, that humanitarian organisations should have a certain ambivalence about neutrality: that neutrality is mostly wrong but can be right – if pursued in a good enough cause. But we've to understand that the stand of neutrality or not making a choice is not a permanent stance. To be neutral in order to observe is a good thing. It's a prudent quality. Remember, making no choice or making a delayed choice will always allow a country, state, party or individual to assess the situation and take stock of things. The die is cast, when you make a choice in a huff and hurry. At times, no reaction is the biggest and most potential reaction. The whole world is passing through a state of unprecedented chaos because of the over participation of all and sundry. Someone aptly stated, 'If we all jump into the arena to become gladiators, who'll be the spectators to witness the spectacle?' In fine, neutrality at times is a calculated and wise choice. The Buddha believed that to be neutral was better than the participation that led to conflicts and confusion. Not only in socio-political issues and contexts, neutrality also applies to religio-spiritual sphere because it (neutrality) is wise indifference. We all become too charged up when it comes to our faiths, books, texts, tenets and gods. Even atheists, who're no different, often react violently when their beliefs are challenged. Mind you, atheists are just godless and non-religious believers; there's no difference in obstinacy and the emphasis on my way, the highway. To be neutral is to refrain from giving any reply, response or reaction. This can save mankind and also avoid much bitterness or bad-blood. To be neutral in religious matters is spiritual evolution and moral upliftment. To be neutral is not to be neuter. In fact, to be neutral is to be noetic and full of nous. An intellectually evolved human will remain stoically and clinically neutral. He'll be a spectator witnessing the vicissitudes of life and the cavalcade of time. Yet, his stance will not be 'sitting-on-the fence' type. People who jump into the arena for someone else and start arguing and fighting, must develop the quality of staying neutral. That way, they'll do a great service to the world and also to themselves. The world is in a state of perpetual turmoil and turbulence because we've not learnt when to stay neutral and ignore things that may flare up further.
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A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/when-neutrality-desirable/d/133631
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Myth and Reality of Muslim Population Politics in India
By Syed Ali Mujtaba, New Age Islam
06 November, 2024
The new book "The Population Myth: Islam, Family Planning and Politics in India" by former chief election commissioner S Y Quraishi is an interesting read on the politics of the Muslim population myth in India. The book discusses several myths about the population of the Muslim community that have been afloat for creating hostility among Hindus and Muslims in India.
These narratives are manufactured in the Muslim hate factories and handed to the media to make a juicy story for the consumption of the Hindutva audience. These myths which otherwise would have been nipped in the bud by the media are circulated through mass communication making them equal partners in the crime.
Myth one – Muslims produce too many children and are solely responsible for the population explosion in India. The comparative data shows that while Hindus' family planning data is 54.4 %, Muslims' family planning data is 45.3%. Secondly, the total fertility rate (TFR) among Hindus is 2.13% for Muslims it is 2.61%. Muslims are lagging due to their socio-economic status which is far behind the Hindus. As Muslims' socio-economic profile improves, the gap also narrows down.
It is not the Muslim community or their religion that has to be blamed, but it is the indifference of the government of the day to develop the Muslim community that has to be blamed. The media narrative should not be against the Muslims but against the government. This conspiracy against the Muslims needs to be exposed.
Myth Two – The Muslim population growth is upsetting the demographic balance in India. The demographic ratio of India shows an increase in Muslims from 9.8% in 1951 to 14.2% in 2011, but this is an increase of 4.4 % in 60 years. The media talks about the decline in the Hindu population from 84.2% to 79.8 %, it does not talk about Muslims adopting family planning methods and their population growth rate is declining faster than Hindus. The media does not talk about the decrease in the fertility rate of Muslims. The gap in the number of children between Muslims and Hindus is reduced to only one child.
Islam is not opposed to family planning. It is a pioneer of the concept. Nowhere in the holy book Quran, there is any prohibition of family planning, there are only interpretations. There are numerous verses of the Quran and citations from Hadith that emphasize quality over quantity, the health of women and children, and the right of children to have a good upbringing. Hum dao “Hamare Baarah” is a myth that cinematic media has created regarding the population explosion among Muslims.
Myth Three – The allegation is that there is an organized conspiracy by Muslims to overtake the Hindu population to capture political power in India. There is no evidence for it. No Muslim leaders scholars or clerics have asked the Muslims to produce more children to overtake the Hindu population. Muslims will overtake Hindus in terms of population as mere "propaganda."
Myth Four – Muslims are polygamous by nature because their religion permits them to have more than one wife. A government study in 1975 found that polygamy is present in all the communities in India. Among them, Muslims are the least polygamous. Muslim Polygamy is also statistically not possible in India as the gender ratio is (only 924 women per 1,000 men) that does not permit it. Moreover, Polygamy is related to the economic wealth of a man who can afford more women. Muslims are so poor that they can’t afford even one wife. Media instead of highlighting which are the Hindu communities that are more polygamous, is taking a dig at the Muslims are polygamous.
The book "The Population Myth: Islam, Family Planning and Politics in India" breaks several other “myths" about the Muslim population in India. These myths are put into circulation by the enemy of the Muslims in India. The media is taking these myths to the masses to perpetuate these myths. The media instead of exposing the authenticity of these myths by giving correct statistics are partners in the crime demonizing Muslims in India.
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Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-politics/myth-reality-muslim-population-india/d/133630
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Demanding Re-Verification of Assam NRC
By NJ Thakuria, New Age Islam
06 November, 2024
A thorough (100%) re-verification of the final draft of National Register of Citizens (NRC) for Assam becomes necessary before its endorsement by the Registrar General of India (RGI), but a number of State-based organizations and civil society groups start demanding for implantation of the NRC Assam with no verification. After the verdict of the Supreme Court of India upholding the constitutional validity of Clause 6A of the Citizenship Act, 1955 (which endorsed the cut-off date for granting Indian citizenship in Assam at 25 March 1971), their voices got amplified. But the conscious citizens continue questioning if the implementation becomes so urgent even if it’s not properly re-verified regarding the inclusion of millions of illegal migrants (read East Pakistani/Bangladeshi nationals) in the final NRC draft, which was published on the midnight of 31 August 2019.
The recent push by an anti-Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 forum for finalization of the NRC supplementary list needs to be discussed. The forum argued that the final draft was submitted to the RGI in 2019 itself, but it’s yet to be published. So there is no reason to keep the updated NRC in cold storage and hence the RGI should publish the updated NRC of 1951 for Assam (that kept over 19.06 lakh applicants out of the list) without further delay. The forum also claimed that all sections of population in Assam would be happy except those politically driven to oppose it. But it may be noteworthy that the Supreme Court on a direction on 13 August 2019 advocated for an appropriate security arrangement to NRC data before submitting it to both the governments in New Delhi and Dispur as well as the RGI, which is not yet materialised.
Moreover, the NRC updating process had embraced corruption and malpractices as detected by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, where the highest national audit body came out with the revelation that a scam of Rs 260 crore took place during the NRC updating process. The CAG even recommended penal actions against the former State NRC coordinator Prateek Hajela and Wipro limited, which functioned as the system instigator in the process. Hajela himself released the NRC draft on the midnight of 31 August after preparing it under ‘monitoring’ of the Supreme Court. But serious allegations were framed by Hajela’s immediate successor Hitesh Devsarma that tampered software was used in the process to incorporate illegal migrants’ names in the NRC in return of a huge volume of foreign money. It was also alleged that 6,000 temporary workers, who functioned as the data entry operators are yet to get their full salaries. Wipro limited received an average of Rs 14,500 per DEO every month from the NRC authority, it released only around Rs 5,500 per month (an amount below the legal minimum wages). The total volume of siphoned money is estimated to be over Rs 100 crore, which remains in the pockets of Wipro limited or its sub-contract Integrated System & Services till date.
The findings of CAG cannot be overlooked and hence all concerned individuals including some Guwahati-based television journalists, who shamelessly lobbied for accepting the NRC draft without any verification, need to be made accountable under the law. A number of individuals made it public through their social media posts that at least three television editors were involved in the corrupt practice during the NRC updating process. One outspoken talk show host even published a book praising Hajela's work as unparalleled and the other two dedicated multiple news based shows insisting that the NRC Assam needs no re-verification. For weeks, the social media users scolded the concerned editor-journalists for their corrupt and irresponsible mind sets.
Many civil society groups including the Patriotic People's Front Assam also called for a high-level probe into the matter. The PPFA also urged both the governments in New Delhi and Dispur to take decisive steps in identifying those fraudulent activities for the sake of national security and protection of indigenous communities in the region. Even after the pouring allegations, those media persons remain silent as if they had gone into hibernation. Their hibernation period is yet to be over and shockingly the responsible authorities continue to be ineffective in regards to those corrupt individuals. Most of the local media outlets are also shy of talking about the financial malpractices (reasons best known to them only). Nonetheless a high level probe into the matter becomes the need of the hour with an aim to punish the culprits who made money in expense of the national security as well as existence of the indigenous communities in Assam.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-politics/demanding-re-verification-assam-nrc/d/133633
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BRICS: A Sanctuary of the Future and Roadmap for a New World Order
By Mohammed Khaku, New Age Islam
06 November, 2024
BRICS Has Emerged As An Important Voice Of The Global South. A Pragmatic Roadmap for a New World Order!
The 16th BRICS summit in Russia's capital, Kazan, sent shockwaves through European capitals. BRICS has punctured the global financial and political institutions, traditionally seen as Zionist colonial by reshaping the global order through de-dollarization. The Russian presidency of BRICS in 2024 made a significant choice in selecting the multicultural southwestern city of Kazan. Located on the banks of the Volga and Kazanka rivers, Kazan is the capital of the semi-autonomous Republic of Tatarstan, celebrated for its dynamic blend of Tatar and Russian cultures.
Introduction:
On August 15, 1971, President Richard Nixon announced the cessation of the dollar's conversion to gold, an event known colloquially as the "Nixon Shock," citing the nation's high debt as the reason. This proclamation marked the first stage of failure for the Bretton Woods system. Its collapse ushered in a period of financial instability and uncertainty due to the uncontrolled printing of US dollars, which financed proxy wars, the creation of over eight hundred military bases globally, regime changes, billions of dollars to Zionist Israel, and ballooned Pentagon budget.
The Bretton Woods Agreement, signed in June 1944 by representatives from 44 countries, led to the creation of the World Bank and the IMF, and established the gold standard. Its primary goal was Kosher to boost global trade. However, it has been suggested that it also had an ulterior motive of promoting Zionism and exploiting the Global South.
The Kazan Declaration and BRICS: Redefining Global Power Dynamics
The 16th BRICS Summit represented a significant shift in the global order, highlighted by the Kazan Declaration's strong stance against U.S. dominance, financial coercion, and diplomacy driven by sanctions. The declaration highlighted the rise of BRICS as a powerful group united in opposition to the exploitation of international institutions for political ends. It stressed principal issues like de-dollarization, a stance against hegemony in global governance, and the disapproval of sanctions as instruments of Western coercion.
Since its establishment, BRICS has pursued various objectives, chiefly aiming to reduce dependence on the US dollar and counter exploitation by colonial imperialist powers. A key insight from the Kazan Declaration is the inability of the United States and its allies to isolate or penalize BRICS nations. Instead, BRICS' influence has significantly grown, with numerous countries seeking membership, indicating that efforts to undermine BRICS have been unsuccessful.
De-dollarization: A New Financial Paradigm
De-dollarization has been advocated by leaders such as Gaddafi and Saddam, and considering their fates, it's no surprise that Arab monarchies and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East are hesitant to sell oil in any currency other than the dollar. The Kazan Declaration represented a significant move towards de-dollarization. The BRICS nations—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—are actively pursuing alternatives to the U.S. dollar to reduce their dependence on it for trade and financial transactions. Their goal is to diminish the dollar's global dominance, which the U.S. has sometimes used politically to sway other nations. As BRICS grows and more countries express interest in joining, the shift towards de-dollarization could become more evident, potentially reducing the U.S.'s financial clout in global markets and allowing nations more control over their economic choices.
BRICS is increasingly perceived as an alliance of nations that have experienced Western duplicity, coercion, and aggressive foreign policies, particularly in support of Israel, which has breached numerous international and UN resolutions. Current members, along with nations seeking membership, are confronted with the possibility of regime change and sanctions. The Kazan Declaration underscored BRICS' transformation into a coalition committed to reshaping the global order, resisting unilateral coercion, and promoting peace and justice.
The Kazan Declaration encourages expansion of BRICS, with nations from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and South America keen to join the bloc, seeking to break free from the economic and political dominance of a U.S.-led global order.
The three-day Kazan summit showcased the global inclination towards a new order, not monopolized by any single nation or bloc. President Putin faced zero ostracism, while Netanyahu was accused of war crimes. Concurrently, every nation at the summit denounced Israel for its genocide in Gaza and acknowledged Palestine as a sovereign state.
Major European banks are facing significant challenges, with some filing for bankruptcy. Numerous economists predict a devaluation of the dollar, anticipated due to massive sales of Treasury bonds, potentially leading to a collapse of the public bond market and considerable difficulties for the US Treasury in refinancing the nation's debt.
This led me to the ultimate incandescent tragedy: Israel's military offensives in Gaza, Palestine, Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, and Iran. Two key resolutions from the Kazan Declaration at the BRICS Summit were deemed pertinent to the Islamic Resistance movement, and resolution thirty reaffirmed the two-state solution based on international law, in line with the internationally recognized borders of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The BRICS Manifesto and the Kazan Declaration from the 16th BRICS summit will strengthen multilateralism to foster a more just and democratic world order. The declaration advocates for enhanced cooperation for global and regional stability, and economic and financial collaboration for equitable global development. It calls for stronger people-to-people exchanges to boost social and economic growth.
The BRICS nation aims to lead the network of road and rail, high-tech cooperation, and aligning with Global South countries to create a community with a shared future for humanity. BRICS is committed to social and environmental justice, and peace, BRICS pledges to spearhead the reform of global governance and to strive for a fair and lasting solution to the Palestinian issue. The declaration also expresses steadfast support for Brazil's upcoming BRICS Leadership and the XVII BRICS Summit in Brazil in 2025.
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Mohammed Khaku, who lives in Upper Macungie Township, is active in the Islamic community of the Lehigh Valley.
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-west/brics-sanctuary-future/d/133632
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Tuesday, November 5, 2024
What Are The Key Legal Issues In The AMU Minority Status Case?
By Aftab Alam, New Age Islam
05 November, 2024
The Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has been at the epicentre of the legal and political discourse ever since 1968, when the Supreme Court (SC) in Azeez Basha vs Union of India (1968) stripped it of its minority status. This week, a seven-judge constitution bench headed by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) Dr. D.Y. Chandrachud, and comprising justices Sanjiv Khanna, Surya Kant, J.B. Pardiwala, Dipankar Datta, Manoj Misra and Satish Chandra Sharma, is likely to deliver its verdict on AMU’s minority status. This judgment was reserved on Feb 1, 2024, after eight days of intense hearings.
The genesis of the present case lies in a writ petition filed before the Allahabad High Court Dr. Naresh Agarwal v Union of India (2005) challenging the decision of the university to introduce a policy of reserving 50 percent of seats in the postgraduate medical courses for Muslim candidates in the light of the SC’s verdict in St. Stephen's College vs. University of Delhi (1991) case and after receiving approval from the Government of India (GOI). Firstly, on October 4, 2005, a single judge of the HC held that Azeez Basha continues to be good law and that AMU was not a minority institution entitled to protection under Article 30(1) of the constitution. Later, a division bench of the HC dismissed the appeal filed by the university and struck down Sections 2(L) and 5.2.C of the AMU Act which were introduced through the 1981 Amendment Act to reaffirm and restore AMU’s minority status.
This decision of the HC surprised the university, jurists, and the Muslim community alike as they believed that Aziz Basha had become infructuous after the 1981 amendment to the AMU Act. Later, a batch of eight civil appeals, including those by the Union of India (UOI) and the AMU, were filed challenging the judgment of the Allahabad HC. On 24 April 2006, a Division Bench of the SC comprising Justices K.G. Balakrishnan and D.K. Jain put a stay on all other matters regarding appellant institution when AMU declared that it would not implement Muslim reservation in admissions. The bench further said that since the question raised in these appeals is of general importance, it is desirable that the matter be considered by a larger bench.
Subsequently, on February 12, 2019, a 3-judge bench comprising Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and Justices L. Nageswara Rao and Sanjiv Khanna referred the AMU matter to a seven-judge bench for its consideration, framing two basic questions in the reference order for an authoritative pronouncement. Firstly, whether the Azeez Basha was correctly decided and whether it suffers from internal contradiction and reasoning on facts and on law, and secondly, what are indicia for determining an educational institution as minority institution to qualify for protection under Article 30(1) – an issue that was framed by the eleven Judge Bench in the TMA Pai Foundation vs State of Karnataka, (2002) but was left to be answered by any subsequent regular bench of the SC. Another issue that needed consideration was whether the 1981 AMU Amendment Act changed the basis of Azeez Basha and rendered it nugatory, an argument which was not entertained by the Allahabad HC. Subsequently, on October 12, 2023, the CJI constituted a seven-judge bench to hear the matter.
It must be noted that the correctness of the SC judgment in the Azeez Basha was already doubted by historians, political commentators, and jurists. H. M. Seervai, an eminent constitutional law expert, declared it “clearly wrong and productive of grave public mischief” and pleaded for its overruling. Professor S.P. Sathe, called for reconsideration of Basha because “if incorporation of a university is the sole test of its establishment, no private university can ever be started in India.” Similarly, Prof. Tara Chand, a noted historian, stated that “It will be a falsification of the history of India if it is asserted from any quarter that the AMU was not established by the Muslims, and primarily for the educational advancement of the Muslims of India.” The SC in Anjuman-e-Rahmaniya vs District Inspector of Schools (1981) also questioned the correctness of Azeez Basha and referred it for reconsideration by a seven Judge Constitution Bench.
It is a matter of fact that the Union of India (UOI), represented through successive governments since 1981, recognized and maintained the minority character of AMU. In its affidavit filed before the HC in 2005 and SC in 2006, the Union of India effectively contended that Azeez Basha was wrongly decided. The UOI also submitted that the 1981 amendment to the AMU Act was brought as a ‘corrective statute’, to reaffirm and restore AMU’s minority status.
However, in 2016, the BJP-led NDA Government sought to withdraw the appeal filed by the UOI against the decision of the Allahabad HC in 2006. The SC, however, never decided during hearings whether the UOI can withdraw the appeal or not due to non-adherence to the procedure laid down by the court for withdrawal of appeals under ORDER XIX, Rule 26 of the SC Rules. In this regard it is also important to recall that the SC in State of Haryana v. State of Punjab (2002) held that “the decisions taken at the governmental level should not be so easily nullified by a change of Government and by some other political party assuming power, particularly when such a decision affects some other state and the interest of the nation as a whole. The SC further held that the succeeding government must be held duty-bound to continue and carry on the unfinished job rather than putting a stop to the same.
Interestingly, the precursor to the BJP, the Jana Sangh, which was part of the merged Janata Party, had advocated for the restoration of AMU's minority character. The Janata Govt in May 1977 even introduced in the Lok Sabha an AMU (Amendment) Bill to restore its minority character, but it could not be enacted due to the early dissolution of the Lok Sabha, owing to internal squabbling. The BJP stalwarts such as LK Advani and Atal Behari Vajpayee were part of the Morarji Desai cabinet that had introduced the bill. Subsequently, after a prolonged struggle by the Muslims of India, the AMU Act 1920 was amended in 1981, restoring AMU’s minority status.
The UOI and others opposing the petition for almost three days mostly argued on how AMU surrendered its minority status after the 1920 legislation and how the British government had the sole authority on its administration. The Solicitor General Tushar Mehta argued that the promoters of AMU were loyal to the British government, and chose to surrender their rights, while many other institutions like Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) chose not to cooperate with the British Government, and unlike AMU, have a minority status today. The CJI, however, countered that siding with a government or being a “loyalist” does not necessarily mean that AMU denounced its minority status. He pointed out that being against the government is not a prerequisite for being a minority institution.
Tushar Mehta argued that, in contrast to the claim of petitioners that AMU was established with funding, money, and property owned by MAO College, several donors, including Hindu Maharajas, contributed to the funding of MAO College in Aligarh. He further stated that the land on which the college was built was donated by Lieutenant Governor Sir John Strachey. Mehta also argued that AMU is fully funded by the Union government. Earlier, the British government used to allocate 30 lakh rupees every year, and now the Union government allocates rupees 1,500 crores for AMU. Yet another respondent argued that the university has expanded from the previous 74 acres to 1150 acres of land with multi storied buildings, all because of the Union government’s aid. It was further argued that it would be a “public mischief” to overrule Azeez Basha, which would take away the Union’s control over the university.
The respondents also argued that AMU was never administered by the Muslims as, under Section 13 of the AMU Act 1920, the government had complete control over the administration of the university through the Lord Rector who had power to give orders to the authorities of AMU, namely, the Court (supreme governing body), Executive Council, and the Academic Council. Tushar Mehta argued that the administrative team running the day-to-day operations was answerable to Lord Rector. This was countered by Justice Khanna stating that the Lord Rector was only “symbolic in-charge”. When the CJI pointed out those provisions could be tested as permissible regulatory measures under Article 30, Mehta refuted it on the grounds that there was no concept of a minority institution at the time when the AMU Act was legislated. Mehta further stated that there was never a mandate for the university to be run by Muslims and most of the people in the administration just happened to be Muslims as the law never required it to be so.
The argument that the administration of AMU was “not vested in the Muslim minority” under the 1920 Act defies the fact that the Muslim community had de jure and de facto control over the management of AMU as its supreme governing body, the AMU Court comprises only Muslims. The Court had not only power to appoint all important functionaries, i.e. Chancellor, Pro-Chancellor, and Vice-Chancellor but also had powers to frame Statutes and to review the Annual Report of the university. The power vested in the Lord Rector was merely supervisory in nature and never meant to manage the day to day administration of the university.
It must be further underlined that the presence of a few non-minority members in the governing body of a minority educational institution does not take away the controlling power of the said institution with respect its management till minorities have a preponderating voice. If we look at the composition of the AMU Court, the supreme governing body of the university, includes, beside others, representatives of Muslim culture and learning, Muslim Colleges of Oriental learning, Chairmen of Wakf Boards, Muslim Educational and Cultural Societies and All India Muslim Educational Conference etc. even after the 1951 Amendment that dropped the clause providing for exclusive Muslim membership of the Court, indicate preponderance of Muslims in it and therefore hardly undermines its minority character. Justice Krishna Iyer in Gandhi Faiz-e-Am College (1975) rightly held the presence of some non-minority members in the governing body of a minority educational institution is reasonable and promotive of the excellence in the administration and does not undermine the minority character of the institution.
The respondents also failed to appreciate the distinction between regulatory measures and the administration of an educational institution. The SC has already fairly settled in the Kerala Education Bill (1958) that the right to administer does not include the right to mal-administer. In Mother Provincial (1970), the SC stated that minority institutions cannot be allowed to fall below the standards and excellence expected of educational institutions or, under the guise of exclusive right of management, to decline to follow the general pattern. The state may legitimately prescribe reasonable restrictions to ensure the excellence and prevent mismanagement and are intended to make minority educational institutions an “effective vehicle of education for the minority community,” provided they are not “destructive or annihilative of the character of the institution established by the minority” as stated by the SC in Sidhajbhai Sabhai (1963) case.
Sir Syed, while framing the rules of the MAO College himself, emphasised the importance of a general supervision by the government over all the important matters so that no harm is caused to the college due to mismanagement or improper working of the trustees. External supervision by the government over the management of any educational institution cannot be equated with the surrender. Under Rule 38 of the MAO College, the Director of Public Instruction of the North West Province and Oudh was appointed as an ex-officio Visitor of the College, who had power of supervision and of making a report to the Government. Under Rule 144 stipulated that the Government shall have power “at any time and in any way to call for and examine the accounts of the college”. Similarly Rule 145 provided that “the Government shall have power to institute any enquiry with a view to ascertaining whether the provisions of the laws of the College for the time being in force are duly complied with, and if not, to compel the Trustees to comply with them.”
The Azeez Basha wrongly held that AMU was not a minority institution because it came into being by the Central Legislature and not by the Muslim minority. It was neither in 1920 nor even today, can anyone establish a university without a statute. The Division Bench of the Allahabad High Court in Naresh Agarwal (2005) even acknowledged this fact and stated that a university cannot be set up without the intervention of the government. If Azeez Basha is held to be a good law, it would have large implications for the educational rights guaranteed to religious and linguistic minorities under Article 30(1) of the Constitution. The minorities would never be able to establish a university as a university can only be established by an act of the central or state legislature and, effectively, all the existing universities established by them would lose their minority status. The respondents have erroneously argued that the judgment of the bench would not have a “trickledown effect” on any other institution, statute or judgment as the Azeez Basha cannot be claimed to be sui generis, fact-specific judgment pertaining to AMU. The formal incorporation of an institution through a statute or recognition under a regulatory scheme should not be considered indicative of whether an institution qualifies as a minority educational institution.
Another argument of the respondent was that AMU cannot have minority status because Entry 63 of the Union List in the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution declares AMU along with BHU as an institution of national importance, providing a safeguard for its status. If AMU is acknowledged as a minority institution, it would impede the powers vested in Parliament under Entry 63. It was argued that recognising the AMU as a minority institution would not only upset the equitable balance of Parliament’s authority over the two institutions, but also would undermine the authority of the Parliament and “rob” its powers vested under Entry 63. The Bench, however, clarified that the effect of Entry 63 is to place AMU and BHU under the exclusive legislative jurisdiction of the Parliament, designating them as institutions of national importance.
It was further asserted that conferring minority status upon the university could potentially exempt it from the constitutional obligations of the Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Socially and Economically Backward Classes (SEBC) reservations. R. Venkataramani, the Attorney-General of India, contended that the unfettered right under Article 30 does not absolve them from having to abide by other “constitutional demands and requirements” regarding reservations. Mehta argued that a university of national importance such as AMU must have students from a diverse “spectrum” of backgrounds, and granting minority status would only allow higher representation of one community and would make deserving SC/ST/SEBC candidates lose their chance of studying in such a prestigious institute. It was also argued that the bench would have to choose between extending reservations to Muslim minorities or the SC/ST/SEBC community, as recognising the minority status of AMU would be at the expense of reservation rights for these communities.
It must, however, be pointed out that Articles 15(5) and 15(6) of the constitution exempt minority educational institutions from granting reservations to other disadvantaged groups. Furthermore, several parliamentary legislations such as Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Admission) Act, 2006, and Central Educational Institutions (Reservation in Teachers Cadre) Act, 2019, have also excluded minority institutions from the implementation of national reservation policy. Furthermore, besides minority institutions, the Institutions of Excellence such as Homi Bhabha National Institute, Mumbai and its constituent units, Tata Institute of Fundamental Research, Mumbai.North-Eastern Indira Gandhi Regional Institute of Health and Medical Science, Shillong, National Brain Research Centre, Manesar, Gurgaon, Jawaharlal Nehru Centre for Advanced Scientific Research, Bangalore, Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad, Space Physics Laboratory, Thiruvananthapuram, and Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, Dehradun are also exempted from the implementation of reservation in admissions.
During the course of hearing, the CJI asked whether the bench should also consider the validity of the 1981 amendment which changed the definition of “university” under the Act to say, a university established by the “Muslims of India.” However, the petitioners expressed their desire to avoid this line of argument, at least at this stage arguing that if Azeez Basha was struck down then the 1981 amendment would become redundant, and if it is upheld then a smaller bench of this court could consider it. Mehta wanted the 1981 amendment to be considered to avoid duplicity of hearings, which he said the petitioners were trying to do as they would get a “second chance” to argue about the minority status by relying on the 1981 amendment. Justice Khanna wanted to limit the scope of the hearing to the correctness of Azeez Basha as it would get the job done.
Representing one of the respondents, advocate Rakesh Dwivedi raised the question of defining the term minority as, in his opinion, it has remained undecided in 75 years of the Constitution. He asserted that the community claiming minority status must numerically be fewer than the majority and still, if the said community belongs to the ruling group, then it would not qualify as a minority. He went on to even argue that during British rule, though Christians were numerically a minority, they still would not meet the criteria for a minority as they belonged to the ruling religious community, and hence the Christian educational institutions today should not enjoy minority status. In his opinion, Muslims were not a minority because under British rule both Hindus and Muslims were considered equals. Citing Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the founder of the MAO College, Dwivedi claimed that the Muslim community never considered itself as a minority and instead as rulers prior to the British government.
Respondents also argued through Neeraj Kishan Kaul that the 1981 amendment to the AMU Act, 1920 attempted to rewrite history by disregarding historical facts acknowledged in Azeez Basha. He stated that the parliament cannot “deny a fact by subsequent legislation” by creating “legal fiction.” He asserted that the 1981 amendment only attempted to change who “established” the university but made no change in the provision related to the administration of the university. Another counsel, Guru Krishnakumar, relying on Indra Sawhney (II) v Union of India (1999), stated that a fact established by a legislation cannot override facts recognised by the Court. He underscored that the moment there is a factual finding in a judgment, the legislature cannot overcome that fact using subsequent legislation. It was argued by advocate Kaul that any alteration to the status of AMU would only be through a constitutional amendment—unlike the procedure adopted by the Parliament in 1981. However, Justice Sanjiv Khanna added that the legislature is allowed to make laws with a retrospective effect if they feel a mistake has to be corrected. He also pointed out that amendments were made to the AMU Act in 1951 and 1965 as well. The CJI justice D.Y. Chandrachud cautioned that Kaul’s interpretation would have the effect of diluting the power of the Parliament.
The petitioners argued that AMU was merely an extension of the MAO College which, according to Azeez Basha, was established by the Muslim community to impart liberal education for Muslims and therefore recognised it as a minority institution. The effect of the transformation of the ‘MAO College’ into ‘Aligarh Muslim University’ was merely a change in status of the educational institution – and not a birth of an altogether new or distinct educational institution. The court in Aziz Basha erroneously drew an inference that AMU was established by the Government of India and not the Muslim community, because the Muslim community could have established a university without the need for legislation or statute. It must be noted that all the assets of the MAO College were used to develop AMU. This includes the teaching staff, the property, the funds, and its administrative staff and a corpus of rupees thirty lakhs, as the then government insisted that it would only establish a university if this condition is met.
The Azeez Basha judgment came as a huge shock to the minorities in general and Muslims in particular. Most of them considered that in independent India their educational institutions were well protected by article 30 of the Constitution, but the decision belied the assurances given to them a few years ago by no other than the SC itself in the Kerala Education Bill(1958) case: “So long as the Constitution stands as it is and is not altered, it is, we conceive, the duty of this court to uphold the fundamental rights and thereby honour our sacred obligation to the minority communities who are of our own”. In the opinion of eminent jurist H.M. Seervai, the Azeez Basha was the first case in which the SC had departed from the broad spirit in which it had decided cases on cultural and educational rights of minorities. The Azeez Basha, therefore, must be struck down for being wrong and contradictory.
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* The author is professor at AMU and heads strategic and security studies programme of the university. His research interests include human rights, constitutional law and public international law.
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