Monday, July 21, 2025

Hazrat Ali and the Politics of Power: Lessons from Early Islamic History

By Naseer Ahmed, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 The early history of Islam is marked by both moral triumph and political tragedy. Among its most enigmatic figures stands Hazrat Ali ibn Abi Talib—cousin, son-in-law, and spiritual heir to the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ. Revered for his piety, eloquence, and moral clarity, Ali nevertheless found himself politically outmanoeuvred by more pragmatic actors, most notably Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan. This article explores the complex tension between Hazrat Ali's moral authority and his political choices during the caliphates of Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman, culminating in his own short-lived rule. It asks whether his moral restraint was a form of principled leadership—or a costly miscalculation that left the Muslim polity vulnerable to forces he could have countered but did not. The Silent Years: Ali Under the First Three Caliphs During the caliphates of Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman, Hazrat Ali remained largely on the margins of administrative and military power. Unlike other companions who led campaigns or governed provinces in the rapidly expanding Islamic state, Ali assumed no prominent administrative role. Though frequently consulted on legal and theological matters, he chose not to pursue active political or territorial leadership. This self-limitation is striking. As a man of unmatched integrity and direct access to the Prophet’s wisdom, Ali could have served as a governor, military commander, or even positioned himself as a unifying figure of both religious and political authority. He Chose Not To Why? Some see in this a moral stance—a refusal to chase power. But that very refusal, when the stakes involved the soul of the Muslim community, may also be seen as a costly hesitation. A deeper reading suggests that Hazrat Ali’s deliberate detachment allowed others like Muawiyah—astute, ambitious, and politically agile—to consolidate influence in strategic centres like Syria. Muawiyah’s long tenure as governor of Damascus under Caliph Umar and later Uthman allowed him to entrench loyalty, build an administrative machine, and cultivate a power base that would eventually rival the caliphate itself. A Question of Strategy: The Missed Moment? Could Ali have prevented the fragmentation of the Ummah by playing a more engaged role earlier? Could he have accepted administrative responsibility—not for personal ambition, but to infuse governance with moral guidance and integrity? One can be humble as a person but decisive, clear, and uncompromising when acting in the name of God or for the common good. This is what the Quran models through each phase of the Prophet’s mission—twenty-three years of evolving strategy, patience, confrontation, and statecraft. Ali’s refusal to partake in political administration while the caliphs welcomed his participation seems inconsistent with the Quranic precedent. The Prophet did not retreat from governance; he moulded it. He did not reject power; he sanctified it by subjecting it to moral law. If Ali intended to preserve the purity of religion by remaining aloof from politics, the result, ironically, was that the less pious filled the vacuum. Muawiyah rose because Ali stood aside when power was consolidating—not when it was ripe for reform. By the time Hazrat Ali became Caliph, the power centre of the Islamic world had shifted. Damascus had eclipsed Medina. Muawiyah's grip on Syria was firm, reinforced by tribal loyalties, administrative discipline, and political cunning. The fragmentation that followed—including the eventual rise of dynastic rule under Yazid—was seeded in these earlier years. Between Principle and Power: A Tragic Tension Hazrat Ali's legacy is morally luminous. But moral authority without strategic execution risks irrelevance in political history. He did not use the opportunities that lay before him under the earlier Caliphs to build the kind of moral-political authority that could have reshaped the future of the Ummah. He could have led armies, governed provinces, and mentored future administrators. Instead, when the crisis hit, his support base was narrow, regional, and fragmented. The very people who might have supported him were already aligned with the pragmatic and powerful. This is not a critique of Hazrat Ali’s character, but a sober reflection on how history works. It does not always bend toward virtue—unless virtue walks with vigilance. Hazrat Ali’s eventual rise to the caliphate came too late, and with too little institutional backing, to reverse the entrenchment of rival centres of power. Now for a sobering question: Would Muawiyah have won and Ali lost in a democratic vote? The answer is clearly yes. Behind Muawiyah's power stood people; behind Ali's weakness, a lack of support. This reflection also addresses the frequent objection about the absence of Shura (consultation) in Muawiyah’s rise. The will of the people was, de facto, behind him. If justice (‘Adl) and dignity (Karamah) suffered under his reign, Hazrat Ali too must bear part of the responsibility—not for what he did, but for what he failed to do earlier. The Quran does not ask the righteous merely to be passive exemplars—it commands them to be eternally vigilant and to stand firm against every threat, whether moral, ideological, or political. The Prophetic Standard: Humility Coupled with Resolute Leadership One of the most overlooked Quranic lessons is that moral humility in personal conduct is fully compatible with firmness and confrontation in public action when guided by divine principle. The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ, across the twenty-three years of his mission—from patient endurance in Mecca to state-building in Medina—embodied precisely this synthesis. He was deeply humble as a man, yet unwavering in his defence of truth and justice. He could forgive a personal insult but would never tolerate oppression or corruption that harmed the collective. Hazrat Ali inherited the Prophet’s moral clarity and emulated this balance in part, but his reluctance to assert political leadership earlier in life stands in contrast to the Quranic model of prophetic decisiveness in moments of crisis. While his integrity remains beyond question, his delay in entering the political arena allowed more pragmatic and less principled forces to define the course of the Islamic polity. This distinction is crucial. Leadership inspired by divine guidance must not only speak the truth but act with resolve to establish it in the world. Conclusion: The Lesson for Today The lesson of Hazrat Ali is not merely about martyrdom or fidelity. It is also about the danger of separating moral clarity from political agency. The Quran calls on believers to enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong—not only in speech, but in power and governance. Hazrat Ali chose righteousness, but perhaps in ways that did not fully confront the political machinations that threatened the Ummah from within. In the end, Hazrat Ali stood alone—a beacon of light in a gathering storm—but without the institutional weight to steer the ship. His legacy survives in hearts and in history, but the political form of the Ummah was already drifting. A lesson for all who carry truth in an age of power: virtue must not retreat. It must lead. History, ultimately, is not for lamenting or lauding. It is for reflecting on what could have been, so that we may draw lessons for the present and correct the behaviours, attitudes, and inherited narratives that continue to harm us. Only then can we honour the past by shaping a more just future. ------ A frequent contributor to NewAgeIslam.com, Naseer Ahmed is an independent researcher and Quran-centric thinker whose work bridges faith, reason, and contemporary knowledge systems. Through a method rooted in intra-Quranic analysis and scientific coherence, the author has offered ground-breaking interpretations that challenge traditional dogma while staying firmly within the Quran’s framework. His work represents a bold, reasoned, and deeply reverent attempt to revive the Quran’s message in a language the modern world can test and trust. حضرت علی اور اقتدار کی سیاست: ابتدائی اسلامی تاریخ سے سبق اسلام کی ابتدائی تاریخ اخلاقی فتوحات اور سیاسی سانحات سے لبریز ہے۔ اس تاریخی منظرنامے میں سب سے پرکشش اور پُراسرار شخصیت حضرت علی ابنِ ابی طالب کی ہے—جو نبی کریم ﷺ کے چچا زاد بھائی، داماد اور روحانی وارث تھے۔ ان کی پرہیزگاری، فصاحت، اور اخلاقی بصیرت کے سب معترف ہیں، لیکن عملی سیاست میں وہ اکثر پسِ منظر میں نظر آتے ہیں، جبکہ دنیاوی فہم و فراست رکھنے والے افراد، بالخصوص معاویہ ابنِ ابی سفیان، صفِ اوّل میں آگے بڑھتے رہے۔ یہ مضمون حضرت علی کی اخلاقی قوت اور ان کے سیاسی رویّے کے درمیان پیچیدہ کشمکش کو واضح کرتا ہے، خاص طور پر خلفائے ثلاثہ کے دور میں، اور یہ سوال اٹھاتا ہے کہ آیا ان کا طرزِ عمل ایک اصولی قیادت تھا یا ایسا تساہل جس سے امت کے سیاسی مستقبل کو ان عناصر کے لیے کھلا چھوڑ دیا گیا جن کا وہ بروقت سدباب کر سکتے تھے۔ خاموش سال: حضرت علی کا کردار خلافتِ راشدہ کے پہلے تین خلفاء کے تحت ابو بکر، عمر، اور عثمان کے ادوارِ خلافت میں حضرت علی انتظامی اور عسکری معاملات سے دور ہی رہے۔ وہ قانونی اور دینی معاملات میں مشیر ضرور تھے اور ان کی رائے کا احترام بھی کیا جاتا تھا، لیکن انہوں نے کبھی کسی گورنری، کمانڈری یا سیاسی قیادت کا فعال کردار ادا کرنے کی کوشش نہ کی۔ یہ طرزِ عمل حیران کن ہے۔ ایسے شخص کے لیے جس کی دیانت، حکمت اور نبی کریم ﷺ کے براہ راست فیض سے استفادہ سب پر واضح ہو، کیا اس کا اس حد تک کنارہ کش رہنا محض انکساری تھا؟ یا کچھ اور؟ بعض حضرات اسے ان کا زہد اور دنیاداری سے کنارہ کشی کا اظہار سمجھتے ہیں، لیکن جب معاملہ امت کے اجتماعی مستقبل کا ہو، تو ایسا رویہ خود ایک خاموش کوتاہی بن سکتا ہے۔ اگر حضرت علی کسی صوبے کے گورنر بن کر اپنے اصولی کردار کو نافذ کرتے، یا کسی لشکر کے سربراہ کے طور پر اخلاقی تربیت کے ساتھ سیاسی بصیرت بھی فراہم کرتے، تو شاید وہ خلا پیدا نہ ہوتا جسے بعد میں معاویہ نے پُر کیا۔ معاویہ، جو خلافتِ عمر کے دوران دمشق کا گورنر رہا، نے وہیں سے ایک مستحکم طاقت، ایک وفادار قبائلی نیٹ ورک، اور ایک کامیاب انتظامی ڈھانچہ تشکیل دیا—جس کی بنیاد پر بعد میں وہ خلافت کے مدّ مقابل آ کھڑا ہوا۔ ایک موقع جو گنوا دیا گیا؟ کیا حضرت علی امت کی شیرازہ بندی کے لیے پہلے سے سیاسی کردار اختیار کر سکتے تھے؟ کیا وہ محض ذاتی انکساری کے بجائے قومی بھلائی اور دینی رہنمائی کے تحت انتظامی ذمہ داری قبول کر سکتے تھے؟ قرآن ہمیں بتاتا ہے کہ انبیاء نے صرف تبلیغ نہیں کی، بلکہ ریاست سازی بھی کی، جنگیں بھی لڑیں، معاہدے بھی کیے، اور نظامِ عدل قائم کیا۔ نبی کریم ﷺ نے کسی بھی مقام پر اقتدار سے کنارہ کشی اختیار نہیں کی؛ بلکہ اسے عدل و تقویٰ کے تابع کر کے تقدس بخشا۔ اگر حضرت علی نے اس خوف سے کہ سیاست دین کو آلودہ کر دے گی، اقتدار سے گریز کیا، تو نتیجتاً وہی سیاست دین سے آزاد ہو گئی۔ جب حضرت علی خود خلیفہ بنے، تو منظر نامہ بدل چکا تھا۔ مدینہ اب مرکزِ قوت نہ رہا؛ دمشق، سیاسی اور عسکری مرکز بن چکا تھا۔ معاویہ کی پوزیشن مستحکم تھی اور علی کی قوت محدود۔ اصول اور اقتدار کے درمیان المیہ حضرت علی کی شخصیت اخلاقی لحاظ سے آفتابِ نیم روز کی طرح روشن ہے۔ لیکن اخلاقی اتھارٹی اگر سیاسی حکمتِ عملی سے خالی ہو، تو تاریخ میں اس کا اثر کم رہ جاتا ہے۔ انہوں نے خلافت کے ابتدائی ادوار میں اپنی اخلاقی حیثیت کے باوجود کوئی فعال سیاسی کردار ادا نہیں کیا، جس کا نتیجہ یہ نکلا کہ جب وقت آیا، ان کے پاس ایک مضبوط اور مربوط حلقۂ اثر موجود نہ تھا۔ یہ حضرت علی کی ذات پر تنقید نہیں بلکہ تاریخ کی ایک حقیقت کا بیان ہے: کہ محض تقویٰ کافی نہیں، بلکہ تقویٰ کے ساتھ چوکنا رہنا، منصوبہ بندی کرنا، اور بروقت اقدام بھی ضروری ہے۔ ایک تلخ حقیقت: اگر اُس وقت مسلمانوں کو کھلا ووٹ دینے کا موقع دیا جاتا تو کیا حضرت علی جیت پاتے؟ شاید نہیں۔ عوامی حمایت اُس وقت معاویہ کے ساتھ تھی۔ پس حضرت علی کی ناکامی نہ صرف اُن قوتوں کی وجہ سے تھی جو اُن کے خلاف تھیں بلکہ اُن قوتوں کی بھی، جو وقت پر اُن کے حق میں تیار نہیں ہو سکیں—اور اس میں کچھ نہ کچھ ذمہ داری حضرت علی کے طرزِ عمل کی بھی ہے۔ نبوی معیار: انکساری کے ساتھ پرعزم قیادت قرآن کا پیغام یہ ہے کہ ذاتی انکساری اور اجتماعی قیادت میں کوئی تضاد نہیں۔ نبی کریم ﷺ نے مکہ کے صبر سے لے کر مدینہ کی ریاست تک، صلح حدیبیہ سے لے کر فتح مکہ تک، ہر مقام پر یہی امتزاج دکھایا۔ حضرت علی نے اسی روش کو جزوی طور پر اپنایا، لیکن سیاسی میدان میں وقت پر قدم نہ رکھنے کی وجہ سے ان کے اخلاقی جلال کے باوجود عملی اثر محدود ہو گیا۔ اصل قیادت وہ ہوتی ہے جو سچائی کہنے کے ساتھ ساتھ اسے نافذ کرنے کا عزم بھی رکھتی ہے۔ اختتامیہ: آج کے لیے سبق حضرت علی کی زندگی کا سبق صرف وفاداری یا شہادت نہیں، بلکہ یہ ہے کہ اخلاقی صداقت کو سیاسی عمل سے جدا نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔ قرآن اہلِ ایمان کو صرف زبان سے نیکی کا حکم دینے اور برائی سے روکنے کا نہیں کہتا، بلکہ عمل، اقتدار اور نظامِ عدل کے ذریعے بھی ان اصولوں کو نافذ کرنے کا حکم دیتا ہے۔ حضرت علی نے حق کو چنا، لیکن بعض اوقات ایسے انداز میں جو ان سازشوں کا مقابلہ نہ کر سکا جو امت کو اندر سے کھوکھلا کر رہی تھیں۔ آخرکار، وہ ایک روشن چراغ تو بنے، مگر ایک ایسا چراغ جو طوفان میں تنہا رہ گیا۔ ان کا نور تاریخ میں باقی ہے، لیکن امت کی سیاست دوسری سمت جا چکی تھی۔ یہ پیغام ہر اس شخص کے لیے ہے جو آج سچائی کو تھامے ہوئے ہے: سچائی اگر قیادت نہ کرے، تو باطل راہ پا لیتا ہے۔ حتمی نکتہ: تاریخ کا مقصد تاریخ نہ ماتم کے لیے ہے نہ تمجید کے لیے—بلکہ غوروفکر کے لیے۔ اس میں ہم یہ دیکھتے ہیں کہ کیا کچھ ہو سکتا تھا، اور کیا رہ گیا۔ ہم اسے پڑھتے ہیں تاکہ حال میں اپنی کوتاہیوں کی اصلاح کریں—ایسی کوتاہیاں جو ماضی کی تاریخ نے ہمارے رویوں اور فیصلوں میں گوندھ دی ہیں، اور جو آج بھی ہمیں نقصان پہنچا رہی ہیں۔ ____ مصنف کا تعارف: نصیر احمد ایک آزاد محقق اور قرآن مرکز مفکر ہیں جو اپنے مضامین میں ایمان، عقل اور جدید علم کو ہم آہنگ کرتے ہیں۔ ان کا طریقہ کار قرآن کے اندرونی ربط اور سائنسی اصولوں پر مبنی ہے۔ وہ روایتی مذہبی تعبیرات کو چیلنج کرتے ہوئے قرآن کی اصل دعوت کو ایک قابل فہم اور قابل آزمائش زبان میں پیش کرنے کی کوشش کرتے ہیں۔ URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/hazrat-ali-politics-power-islamic-history/d/136229 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Did the Prophet ﷺ Get Affected by Magic?

By Dr. Mohammad Ghitreef, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 One of the points used to denigrate Islam these days is that Prophet Mohammad SAW was once affected by magic and so his utterances cannot be relied upon. Whether these critics are people inspired by Islamophobia or anti-Islam Orientalists or ex-Muslims, they obtain all the material against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad from revered Islamic sources themselves. These sources are those that are considered authentic among the traditionalists, therefore they cannot even be labelled apocryphal. The dilemma of Muslim mentality is that it deems these sources (which are purely human endeavours and hence in need of critique and scrutiny) as sacred and does not allow for any criticism or reassessment. The upshot is that the Muslim mind is living in a state of intellectual turmoil and is unable to keep up with the reason of the modern period. This article offers an example and explanation of this phenomenon. Main Points: 1. It is commonly believed that the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was once affected by magic. 2. This raises a critical question about the trustworthiness and authenticity of the Quran: How can it be accepted when potentially affected by such circumstances? 3. The clergy try to address this concern and to provide robust rationalizations for this incident yet failed to do so. 4. Allama Meeruthi suggests that while there was an attempt to cast magic upon the Prophet, it ultimately did not take effect, as Allah has decreed to protect the Prophet from harm. ----- There is a belief that the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was affected by magic. Ulama claim this caused temporary forgetfulness, influencing the Prophet's interactions with his wives and leading to lapses in memory. This narrative is found in Bukhari and other Hadith collections and raises a serious concern about the authenticity of Quranic revelation. It is commonly believed that the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) was once affected by magic. Traditional scholars and religious leaders assert that a magician named Labeed bin A'sam, who lived in Madina, cast a spell on the Prophet, causing him to be in a bewitched state for a period of time. They claim that during this time, the Prophet would engage in marital relations with his wives and may have forgotten about it. Similarly, he reportedly experienced moments of forgetfulness, saying things and then forgetting them. This narrative is mentioned multiple times in Sahih Bukhari and also appears in other so-called authentic collections of Hadith. One significant concern that arises from these claims is the authenticity and trustworthiness of the Quran's revelation (وحي) during this period. How could someone under the influence of magic and potentially affected maintain honesty and integrity in such a compromised state? The specific verses of the Quran revealed during that time remain unclear. Traditionally, the clergy have offered justifications for this situation, arguing that the process of revelation remained unharmed and safe, even during the Prophet's affected state. However, they have struggled to provide robust rationalizations for their claims, yet failed to do so. This why, notably, some prominent scholars, such as Imam Razi and Imam Abubakr al-Jussas Hanafi, strongly refuted the aforementioned traditions of Bukhari. In more recent times, Maulana Maududi also rejected these narratives for similar reasons. However, traditionalist groups, including Salafis and Deobandis, have criticized such views and clung to the belief that this Hadith cannot be questioned, given that it had appeared in Bukhari. To elaborate further let me explain: According to these reports, the Prophet ﷺ was so affected that he believed he had performed certain actions, such as intimate relations, which in fact did not occur. This condition lasted for a period—some reports suggesting six months—until two angels informed him in a dream about the cure, which included Surahs al-Falaq and al-Nas. Imam Bukhari has documented this account, including the Prophet’s feelings of forgetfulness, thinking he had acted in ways that required him to perform certain rituals of purity when he had not actually needed so. Eventually, he experienced physical weakness and prayed for healing, receiving a revelation in the dream about Labeed's spell, and subsequently went to a well called Dhul-Arwan with some companions to remove the magic. This raises a crucial question: If the Prophet ﷺ was under the influence of magic, can we truly trust the integrity of the Quranic revelation during that time? This dilemma pits trust in the authenticity of Sahih Bukhari against the preservation of the Prophet's ʿIṣmahعصمة (divine protection) in receiving revelation. Scholars have generally aligned themselves into two broad camps: Camp 1: Traditionalists (Ahl al-Hadith, Salafis, Deobandis, etc.) These scholars accept the hadith as authentic and argue that while the Prophet ﷺ may have been affected in personal matters or memory, his ability to receive and deliver revelation remained intact. They cite the Quranic verse: "وَمَا يَنطِقُ عَنِ الْهَوَىٰ * إِنْ هُوَ إِلَّا وَحْيٌ يُوحَىٰ" (He does not speak from desire; it is only revelation sent down to him) — [Surah al-Najm: 3-4]. They contend that magic did not impact the core function of the Prophet in delivering Islamic teachings. Counterpoint: Critics argue that this distinction is both theologically and logically weak. If the Prophet could forget daily actions, what was to stop him from forgetting verses? The limitations in such a scenario are unlikely if the Prophet is considered human, as is commonly believed among Muslims. Camp 2: Critical Theologians and Rationalists** This group includes figures such as Imam Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, Imam Abū Bakr al-Jaṣṣāṣ al-Hanafi, Imam al-Qaffāl al-Shāshī, Maulana Mawdudi, and Allama Shabbir Ahmad Azhar Meeruthi. These scholars either outright reject the hadith, arguing that it contradicts reason (ʿaql) and the Quranic assurance of the protection of prophethood, or consider it to be symbolic, a dream, or an interpolated addition over time. Mawdudi, like Razi and Jassas, confidently dismissed this narrative as dangerous to the credibility of the Prophet. Although critics from traditionalist schools (especially Salafis and Deobandis) accused him of undermining the science of Hadith, his views resonated with modernist and rationalist thinkers who prioritized the infallibility of the Quran and the Prophet ﷺ. Allama Shabbeer Azhar Meerthi approached this issue from a unique perspective. Rather than outright rejection, he offers a refreshing reinterpretation. While he respects the Isnād-based methodology, he emphasizes that revelation is protected, as confirmed by the Qur’an itself. If a hadith suggests a breach in divine revelation (wahy), then such a narration must be either misunderstood or unauthentic, even if it appears in Bukhari. Deliberating on this matter, he states: “This hadith was narrated only by Hisham bin Urwah from his father Urwah and from 'Aishah (may Allah be pleased with her). I assert that the Prophet was indeed the messenger of Allah and held the highest rank. As a human being, he faced the same challenges that anyone else might, including physical growth, youth, hunger, thirst, illness, old age, weakness, and death. However, Allah said to him, ‘O Prophet, from the beginning to the end, you remain under the infallibility and protection of Allah. ’So despite the numerous plans devised by his enemies to kill the prophet—before his migration from Makkah, after his arrival in Madinah, and even during his time there and while traveling—they achieved nothing but failure. The Jewish community living in Yathrib (Madinah) was among his fiercest adversaries. They attempted various plots against him, including using magic and conspiracies to hang a heavy millstone around his neck. They even tried to poison him during the Battle of Khaibar. Nevertheless, the Almighty's protection thwarted their schemes. Although Labeed bin A’sam, a hypocrite from the Khazraj tribe of Yathrib, influenced by the Jews, performed magic on the Prophet, it was ineffective. No form of magic, whether from Labeed or any other practitioner, could succeed against the Prophet due to Allah's protection. Therefore, we consider the narration by Hisham bin Urwah, which states that the Prophet was severely affected by this magic, to be incorrect and contrary to the Divine promise: ‘And Allah will protect you from the people’ (Qur’an 5:67). In the narrations reported by Hisham bin Urwah, there is no indication in the chain of narrators that Urwah heard this hadith directly from, 'A'ishah (the Mother of the Believers). Each narration states 'Hisham from his father, he from Aisha’. I believe that someone may have attributed this story to her and informed Urwah but did not mention the person's name. Urwah then conveyed it to his son Hisham, saying it was ‘from Aisha’. There are multiple hadiths known to us that Urwah narrated as being ‘from Aisha’, even though he did not hear them directly from her. I view this hadith as similar in nature, with its chains not being continuous. Therefore, this hadith is fundamentally incorrect and contextually invalid. “(Bukhari ka Mutalaa part 11 page:97,2002). In summary, while there was an attempt to cast magic upon the Prophet, most likely it ultimately did not take effect, as Allah has decreed to protect the Prophet from harm. ---- Dr. Mohammad Ghitreef is a Research Associate with CEPECAMI, AMU, Aligarh URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/prophet-saw-affected-magic/d/136236 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Study Of Religions Should Be Done Without Prejudice

By Dr Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 The unbiased study of religions is essential for interfaith harmony, social peace, and intellectual balance. Prophetic examples and scholarly guidance illuminate the path toward constructive religious dialogue and understanding. Main Points: 1. Studying other religions and engaging in dialogue promotes social peace, harmony, and mutual understanding. 2. The Constitution of Madinah is a historical model of peaceful coexistence among diverse religious groups. 3. Research must be free from bias to ensure truth, balance, and respect for all faiths. 4. Syed Maududi emphasized neutrality and honesty in interfaith research to uphold academic and ethical standards. 5. Comparative religion, when done fairly, fosters tolerance, reduces prejudice, and highlights each religion’s unique contributions. ---- In contemporary times, the study of religions, interfaith dialogue, and negotiations are being given significant importance. Conferences, workshops, and seminars are frequently being organized on these topics in universities and other institutions. At the same time, authors, thinkers, and intellectuals are writing articles, papers, and books, which is indeed a positive and commendable step. The question arises: why is dialogue and mutual understanding among followers of different religions necessary? The answer lies in the fact that many issues in society arise from ignorance and lack of understanding about other religions, often leading to tension and even violence. Therefore, interfaith dialogue is essential. There are various forms of inter - religious dialogue. One such form involves representatives of all religions coming together to identify and explore common values and teachings—particularly those related to social conduct and ethical principles. Efforts in this direction are being made at the global level. The fundamental benefit of such dialogue is that it fosters an atmosphere of peace, harmony, tolerance, and brotherhood in society. Unity, social cohesion, and mutual understanding are among the foremost aspirations of every society. In this context, we must strive more earnestly. There is a wealth of guidance on this subject in Islamic sources, and the life of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) provides a complete roadmap. One example is the Hilf al-Fudul agreement before prophethood, in which the Prophet (PBUH) actively participated. This agreement showed how people of diverse views could unite to protect lives and ensure peace in society. Another notable example comes after the migration to Madinah, when the Prophet (PBUH) initiated the Constitution of Madinah (Mithaq-e-Madinah). He brought together all Jewish tribes and the followers of various religions present in Madinah and engaged in dialogue. The mutually agreed-upon principles were documented in the form of 53 articles, known as the Constitution of Madinah. This document holds not only moral and legal significance but also historical importance, as it is considered the first written constitution in the world. It systematically includes provisions related to rights and duties, human dignity, social unity, and patriotism, addressing the needs of the general populace. It is also important to clarify that some orientalists and critics of Islam try to elevate the Code of Hammurabi and the Magna Carta of 1215 over the Constitution of Madinah. However, it must be noted that the Code of Hammurabi primarily focuses on the affairs of monarchs and does not concern the general public. While the Magna Carta does relate to public rights and concerns, it is neither as detailed nor as comprehensive as the Constitution of Madinah, which addresses the rights of all segments of society. Therefore, the historical relevance of the Constitution of Madinah cannot be denied. Its implementation led to unity and a human rights–friendly atmosphere in Madinah. Ultimately, the core objective of interfaith dialogues is the same: to ensure the well-being, welfare, and prosperity of society. Another important approach to interfaith dialogue is that scholars, intellectuals, and literary figures from each religion should produce literature. However, it must be ensured that such literature is free from prejudice, narrow-mindedness, or blind religious devotion, and it should also be completely devoid of any notion of the superiority of one's own religion. For instance, if a Muslim scholar is writing about another religion, they must approach it purely as a researcher and author, setting aside all personal religious affiliations. At that moment, they must completely forget that they belong to Islam. When research on another religion is carried out in this impartial and scholarly manner, it will align with modern academic standards of research and investigation and will have a positive impact on society. Unfortunately, a major problem arises when individuals engage in writing about other religions but do so in a way that, while highlighting the virtues of their own faith, they suppress or overlook the positive aspects of the other religion. As a result, accurate and complete information about that religion does not reach society, leading to outcomes such as prejudice, intolerance, hatred, and even violence. Even today, there is an abundance of such biased writers, and libraries remain filled with such literature. Regarding the research of other religions, the renowned Islamic thinker Syed Abul A‘la Maududi in his famous book "Al-Jihad fi al-Islam" has laid down an ideal methodology. He emphasized the need for adopting a balanced and objective approach in the process of research. All contemporary researchers should keep his perspective in mind as a guiding principle when working on the religions of others. "The comparison of two religions is, in fact, a very difficult task. A person rarely does justice to beliefs and views that oppose the ones they hold dear. This weakness is common in human nature, but it takes an especially intense form in religious groups, manifesting as extreme prejudice and narrow-mindedness. When the followers of one religion criticize another, they usually focus only on its dark aspects, deliberately ignoring or concealing its bright and positive features. Their aim in such religious criticism is not to seek truth, but rather to validate a preconceived opinion or belief they adopted even before proper investigation. Such an approach nullifies all the benefits of comparative religion and does not serve even the religion in whose defense these misleading methods are used. The true spirit of the study of religions lies in conducting an unbiased and neutral comparison of the teachings of the various religions and belief systems found across the world. Comparative religion involves a fair and critical examination of the core doctrines, worship practices, and rituals of different religions—so that their true value, strengths, and shortcomings become fully clear. During the study of religions, if a positive aspect of any religion comes to light, it should be acknowledged without hesitation; and if a flaw is found, it should be refuted with sound reasoning. This approach makes it possible to arrive at the truth. The excellence of Islam should be established through rational arguments and its truthfulness proven through historical evidence, so that the new generation and the educated classes can consciously accept it, embrace it with understanding, and ultimately bring about the desired positive changes in their lives. Such an attitude will naturally contribute to creating a positive atmosphere in society regarding religions. When we objectively review the research conducted on comparative religion, it becomes evident that many such studies have been shaped by specific ideologies or biases. As a result, they have failed to deliver the intended societal benefits. However, when a religion is studied by removing the lens of prejudice, its virtues and strengths become visible, leading to intellectual balance. Therefore, in all research done under the name of religion or comparative religion, it is absolutely essential to avoid bias—so that no religion is misrepresented or misunderstood in society. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/study-religions-prejudice/d/136234 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Day Bareilly Stood Still: Remembering the Historic Funeral of Tajush Shariah

By Syed Amjad Hussain, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 On 22 July 2018, over 12.5 million mourners gathered in Bareilly for the funeral of Tajush Shariah Allama Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari, marking an emotional farewell to a beloved scholar and spiritual guide. Main Points: 1. Over 12.5 million people gathered in Bareilly for Tajush Shariah’s funeral, making it India’s largest Islamic Janaza. 2. Mourners travelled from across India and abroad, creating a sea of humanity. 3. His spiritual legacy ties to Aala Hazrat and Al-Azhar University. 4. Media widely covered the extraordinary event. 5. His death marked the emotional farewell of a deeply revered scholar. ----- Millions gathered to offer the funeral prayer (Namaz-e-Janaza) of Tajush Shariah Allama Mufti Shah Muhammad Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari ----- Introduction On July 22nd, 2018, the city of Bareilly, situated in northern India, was blessed to see a record event in its religious and socio-religious history. Millions gathered not for a political rally or a cultural festival, but to offer the funeral prayer (Namaz-e-Janaza) of one of the greatest Islamic scholars of the modern age—Tajush Shariah Allama Mufti Shah Muhammad Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari, affectionately known as Tajush Shari’ah. With a crowd estimated at 1.25 crore (12.5 million) individuals, this event is perhaps the biggest Namaz-e-Janaza in the Indian subcontinent and one of the biggest in the Muslim world. A Spiritual Ocean in Bareilly As the news of his passing spread on the evening of 20th July 2018, waves of mourners began pouring into Bareilly from across India and abroad. The city, already a sacred centre for the followers of Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat (Barelvi) due to the legacy of Ala Hazrat Imam Ahmed Raza Khan Barelvi, swelled to many times its size. Roads were flooded with devotees—on foot, by buses, by trains, and even walking barefoot from far-off villages. The Namaz-e-Janaza was conducted in the field of Islamia School near the Dargah of Aala Hazrat. Conducted by his son and successor Hazrat Allama Asjad Raza Khan Qadri, the funeral prayer was offered among a sea of humanity. Drone images revealed streets, rooftops, parks, and even highways nearby overcrowded as far as the eye could see. Global Presence and Media Coverage What made Tajush Shariah's funeral so remarkable was not only its magnitude but also its global appeal. Delegates and ordinary mourners from the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Kuwait, Iran, Iraq, Qatar, South Africa, Mauritius, USA, UAE, and other regions of Europe and Asia attended. Hindi news channels, major media outlets, and newspapers such as Zee News, News18, BBC Urdu, Aaj Tak, and Times of India carried out reports about the size of the crowd. Many put the number in attendance as higher than even two million, while ground level reports and drone data by local organizations and volunteers corroborated reports that the total crowd may have crossed 12.5 million (1.25 crore) individuals over the funeral day. This congregation outnumbered even the largest funerals and has been counted as one of the largest religious gatherings in recent Indian history. Who Was Tajush Shariah? Born on 1 February 1943, Allama Mufti Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari was the descendant of Imam Ahmed Raza Khan Barelvi, the reviver and founder of the Barelvi movement. He was a graduate of Cairo's Al-Azhar University and an scholar of international renown in Fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence), Tafsir, Hadith, and Tasawwuf. He was the spiritual title holder of Tajush Shariah, a caretaker of traditional Sunni Islam in India. His fatwas, writings, and public speeches molded the religious perception of millions of subcontinent and Indian Sunni Muslims and beyond. Tajush Shariah published thousands of scholarly verdicts, made classical Arabic works available in Urdu, and pronounced judgment on Islamic orthodoxy against modernist and extremist thought. Admired by scholars and commoners alike, he was recognized for his humility, wisdom, and firm commitment to Shariah. Beyond Numbers: The Emotional Impact The vast numbers present were not simply a measure of his popularity—rather, they indicated a profound emotional connection between the scholar and the masses. For most, he was not merely a jurist or a mufti; he was a spiritual patriarch, a source of guidance, and an emblem of resistance to watering down Islamic values. Citizens said they walked miles just to see his bier. Others could be heard crying helplessly, reciting “Tajush Shariah Zindabad!” “Maslak-e-Aala Hazrat Zindabad!” and “Basti–Basti Qariya Qariya!” The city reverberated with Zikr, Salawat, and tears. Legacy That Lives On Tajush Shariah's work is being continued by his son and successor, Hazrat Allama Asjad Raza Khan Qadri, who continues to guide the Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat from India. His books, fatwas, and compiled speeches are now being preserved and digitised by scholars and institutions all over the world. His death was not the end but rather a continuation of a spiritual movement—a reaffirmation of the traditional Sunni values grounded in love for the Prophet Hazrat Muhammad Mustafa Sallallahu Ta'aala Alayhi Wassallam, respect for the Auliya, and service to the Ummah. Final Thoughts The funeral of Tajush Shariah Allama Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari was not only a record-breaking ceremony; it was a deep spiritual experience in the life of millions. It told the world that in a time of din, religious leadership continues to possess a power that defies borders, politics, and time itself. As one mourner commented quite aptly: "This was not the funeral of a man, it was the farewell of an era." I remember one of the Sher written by Tajush Shariah Allama Akhtar Raza Khan Azhari, “Chal Diye Tum Aankh Mein Ashkoñ Ka Dariya Chhod Kar Kaun Si Duniya Basayi Tumne Duniya Chhod Kar” May Allah raise his ranks higher and give his followers the courage to maintain his legacy. ----- Syed Amjad Hussain is an author and Independent research scholar on Sufism and Islam. He is the author of 'Bihar Aur Sufivad', a research book based on the history of Sufism in Bihar. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/current-affairs/bareilly-historic-funeral-tajush-shariah/d/136235 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Israel Looks Unstoppable & the Muslim World Looks Like a Lame Duck

By Dr. Firoz Mahboob Kamal, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 Gaza Is A Perfect Slaughterhouse The whole of Gaza has turned to a hectic war zone. There exists no safe zone, no safe house or no safe civic installation there. Hospitals, mosques, churches, schools and residential blocks are the regular targets of Israeli missiles and drones. Israel is killing innocent men, women and children every day. People in Gaza are forced to move from one area and to another only to multiply their suffering and hardships. Gaza is a perfect slaughterhouse. Today on Sunday 20 July, Israel has killed 116 people in Gaza -many of them are starving children. Every day is like the same slaughtering of the Palestinians. Yesterday, Israel bombed a Christian church to kill a lot of civilians taking shelter there. Nothing is safe in Gaza. Starvation is being used as a punishing weapon. Hundreds of children are dying of malnutrition. Food and drinks are not allowed into Gaza for the last 22 months. In international law, the occupying army has no right to stop supply of foods, drinks and fuel to the people of occupied land. It is a war crime to bomb hospitals, churches and schools But Israel does not hesitate to commit such crimes; it has no red line. Israel does not give any space to International Law or the International Criminal Court (ICC) or any human right norms in its midst of military control. Israel is relentlessly committing all sorts of war crimes not only in occupied Gaza but also in the occupied West Bank. Not only the Israeli Army is committing the crimes, even the illegal settlers in the West Bank have become active partners in the crimes. They have already killed more than one thousand people in the West Bank. They are destroying their homes, trees and water supplies. (From Files) ----- The Muslim World Looks Like A Lame Duck Now Israel is expanding its occupation in the southern part of Syria. Israel is manufacturing a new reality for its foothold there. In the name of protecting the Druze minority, Israel is legitimising its presence in Syria. Now it is dictating the Syrian President to withdraw the Syrian Army from its southern province of Sweida. Israel recently bombed the Syrian Defence Ministry Headquarter in Damascus on the pretext of protecting the Druze minority. Syria is already too decimated to stand against Israeli dictate. Syria has now become a soft target for Israel. In fact, not only Gaza, Lebanon and Syria, the whole Muslim World has become a sitting lame duck. Therefore, Israel can bomb any Muslim city any time without facing any effective military challenge. The whole Muslim World looks hostage to the hawkish Israel. The US & Its Allies Are The Partners In Israeli Crimes Israel is not alone in its crimes; the Western countries like the US and its allies are also the partners in the war crimes. The USA, Germany, the UK and many others have a coordinated strategy to support the Israeli in its crimes. They give money, weapons and intelligence to commit these crimes. This is why they never condemned Israel for its crimes; rather openly call such war crimes as Israel’s legitimate rights to defend its security. Recently the US representative in the UN didn’t hesitate to call it Israel’s duty to exercise the right. Thus they legitimise the Israeli war crimes. But the same Western leaders label the resistance efforts of the Palestinians as terrorism. And a genocidal war criminal like the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netayanhu labelled the war between Israel and Palestinians as a war between civilisation and barbarism. As if, fighting against foreign colonial occupation is barbarism. The Muslim World’s Inaction When the Ummah gets attacked, the Muslim countries show no strategy for defence. They show inaction and silence. The oil rich Arab countries show their policy only to support the US by bribing it with hundreds of billions of dollars. It is indeed the rental money to renew their stay on the throne. It is a historical fact the tyrant rulers of the Arab states didn’t inherit these states from their ancestors. Rather these 22 artificial Arab states were created by the Western colonial powers like the UK after dismembering the Ottoman Khilafah after World War I. These newly created states were rented to these servile agents for their strong allegiance and submission to these evil Western powers. The Western powers who created these states happened to be the protectors of these newly created Arab states. After World War II, the US replaced the UK. This is why the US, instead of the UK, now continues to keep so many military bases in the Middle East to protect its client states. Israel Enjoys Impunity Israel has no fear of anyone on the earth. Because, the US -the most powerful bully in the world works as its main sponsor and protector. Whatever crimes Israel commits, the US instantly supports that. The US also labels the Israeli war crimes as its genuine duty to execute the legitimate rights for its defence. The same pro-Israeli policy is also displayed by the other Western countries especially like the UK and Germany. This is why Israel enjoys such a robust sense of impunity. The autocratic Arab tyrants have no other concern apart from their own security. So, they behave as if they haven’t seen anything and haven’t heard anything in the occupied land of Palestine. So, the issue of Gaza doesn’t get any place in their heart. These tyrants do not even allow any protest rally in their city let alone taking any action against Israel and its supporters. The other national, subnational and tribal states like Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia in the Muslim World do not possess any strong sense of pan-Islamic brotherhood. They are busy with their own nation, race and tribe based agenda. Hence, they do not feel any moral, emotional and political obligation to do anything for the people of Palestine. So helping the people of Gaza gets any place in their national policy. Only Iran was the exception, but it has its own limitations. What Is The Way Forward? Now, what to do? Just to watch, lament and make some Dua? In fact, most people in the Muslim World couldn’t do anything beyond that. Surprisingly, some non-Muslims could do much more than the Muslims. The case against the Israeli war criminal in the ICC was lodged by a non-Muslim state like South Africa and not by Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Turkey or Pakistan. The largest protest rallies against Israel are seen in London, Paris, Rome, Washington and not in Riyadh, Cairo, Istanbul or Karachi. No amount of condemnation is going to help the victims of Israeli barbarity. Some practical action is needed. Every Muslim must find out the way to play his or her role to help the Palestinians. Every one of the Ummah has a duty. We are under the Watch of All Seeing Allah SWT. He is constantly watching how we play our role in this critical juncture of the Ummah. We need to find out some effective means to challenge these war criminals. The helpless people of Gaza can’t bear the burden of encountering the combined attack of the military, political and economic conglomerate of the powerful devils. Every Muslim has enormous power to play his or her role. At first, one must have the strong intention (niyah) to stand with the victims of Israeli war crimes. Allah SWT firstly sees the intention of a believer. Every Muslim must explore some intellectual, political, diplomatic, economic and academic means to help their cause. His pen, tongue, intellect and money may be powerful weapons. Everyone must stand as a fighter. The war of the enemies is going in every field; a Muslim must get entrenched in any of the fields and actively play his or her role. Inaction is no option. There is no room for an inactive Muslim in Islam. In fact, every Muslim is an active Muslim; otherwise one becomes a hypocrite (Munafiq). And it is indeed the prime time to show our Iman and action. When Ummah is being slaughtered, inaction only pleases Satan. 20/07/2025. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-politics/israel-muslim-world-lame-duck/d/136231 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Word Sacred Has Lost Its Sacredness

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 21 July 2025 "I was always embarrassed by the words sacred, glorious, and sacrifice." From Ernest Hemingway's, A Farewell to Arms , Chapter 42, pages 458-473 This expression reveals a deep critique of romanticized notions of war and heroism. It articulates the confusion and discomfort that can arise when faced with the brutal realities of conflict, challenging societal glorifications of violence. Through this lens, Hemingway encourages readers to seek truth over sentimentality, providing a sobering perspective on the human cost of war. Never forget that the glorification of war is also glorification of violence. While this quote is often explained and analysed as part of Hemingway's immortal novel, " A Farewell to Arms," it can also be studied separately for, Hemingway disliked romanticisation of certain words like 'sacred' and 'sacrifice.' Hemingway advised to use these words sparingly. Got to say, a very sage piece of advice that must be followed by all Indians who're going berserk in all states. Nowadays, everything is 'sacred'. Every Tom, Dick and Harry is sacred. Don't do this; don't do that or else you'll desecrate the 'sacredness' of something or someone. Come to Maharashtra and you'll realise that Marathi, the root of all troubles and turmoil at the moment, is a 'sacred' language, so much so that anyone coming to Maharashtra and thinking of settling here must learn it. You're questioning its 'sacredness' if you show reluctance to learn it. Always use Chhatrapati and Maharaj as a prefix and suffix to Shivaji's name because the Maratha warrior is 'sacred' to the consciousness of Marathi-speaking people, esp. to the Marathas. Don't forget to use Saheb with the name of Bal Thackeray because he's 'sacred' to all Hindus living in Maharashtra who've to call him 'Hindu-Hriday Samrat.' Two very big opportunists Savarkar and Ambedkar are glorified, nay deified, in Maharashtra because both are sacred to their respective communities; Savarkar to Brahmins and Ambedkar to Dalits. Kannada is a 'sacred' language in Bangalore and entire Karnataka. Say a word against it and your meeting with your Maker is assured and forthwith! In short, now the word 'sacred' is so much in vogue that it (the word) has lost its sacredness! Here I reiterate that Hemingway's dislike for the word 'sacred' doesn't make him an outright atheist. He wasn't a straightforward atheist, though he also wasn't a conventionally religious person. Although his famous statement, "All thinking men are atheists," is often cited by atheists and agnostics of all hues, this quote is attributed to a character in the novel 'For Whom the Bell Tolls,' not Hemingway himself. ----- The famous American novelist and Nobel laureate Ernest Hemingway was born on July 21, 1899. ----- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/sacred-sacredness/d/136230 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Sins of Muawiyah

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam 18 July 2025 Abstract Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan (603-680 CE), the founder of the Umayyad dynasty, remains one of the most polarizing and consequential figures in the annals of Islamic history. His transition from the powerful governor of Syria to the first caliph of a hereditary monarchy represents a critical juncture where the trajectory of Islamic civilization was profoundly altered. While certain modern Islamic movements, particularly those aligned with Wahhabi and Salafi thought, venerate him as a Companion of the Prophet (Sahabi) and a pragmatic unifier of the Muslim Ummah, a substantial body of evidence within classical Sunni historiography itself presents a far more troubled and critical portrait. This paper conducts a deep analysis of the perceived “sins” of Muawiyah, not as a polemical indictment, but as a rigorous academic inquiry into the ethical and political ruptures his reign engendered. Drawing extensively from the foundational chronicles of Sunni historians Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (838-923 CE) and Ismail ibn Kathir (1300-1373), this analysis will argue that Muawiyah’s political project constituted a systematic and deliberate subversion of the nascent Islamic political ethos. His actions will be examined through the modern, yet deeply resonant, interpretive lenses which champion human dignity (karamah); the unity of the Ummah; and the Quranic principle of consultative governance (Shura). The paper will demonstrate that Muawiyah’s cardinal transgressions—the instigation of civil war for political gain, the transformation of the consultative Caliphate (Khilafah) into hereditary monarchy (Mulk), and the violent suppression of dissent coupled with the institutionalization of sectarian hatred—were not mere political miscalculations but profound deviations from the core message of the Quran and the Prophetic model. Ultimately, this historical reckoning serves as a crucial exercise for contemporary Muslims grappling with the enduring legacies of authoritarianism and sectarianism, legacies whose roots can be traced directly back to the political “sins” of the first Umayyad caliph. ----- The Contested Legacy of a Caliph The study of early Islamic history is often a study in navigating profound tensions. No figure embodies these tensions more acutely than Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan. He is at once the Katib Al-Wahi (scribe of the revelation), a Companion of the Prophet Muhammad, among nearly fifty others, an astute administrator who expanded the frontiers of the Muslim empire. Yet, he is also the rebel who defied the legitimate authority of the fourth Caliph, Ali ibn Abi Talib; the autocrat who replaced consultation with coercion; the founder of a dynasty whose rule would culminate in the tragic martyrdom of the Prophet’s own grandson, Hussein ibn Ali; and the ruler who, according to numerous historical accounts, institutionalized the public cursing of Ali from the pulpits of the very faith he claimed to lead. This paradox has created a deep cleavage in Muslim memory. For many traditionalist Sunnis, particularly those influenced by the teachings of Ibn Taymiyyah and later Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, Muawiyah’s status as a Sahabi places him beyond reproach. Any critique is seen as a form of heresy or an attempt to sow division. His actions are typically explained away as a product of ijtihad—independent juristic reasoning—for which he is to be either rewarded or, at worst, forgiven by God. This “hermeneutic of deference” effectively sanitizes the historical record, prioritizing an idealized vision of the first generation of Muslims over a critical engagement with their political and ethical failings (Abou El Fadl, p.35). This paper rejects such a deferential hermeneutic in favour of a critical one, rooted in the foundational ethical principles of the Quran itself. It posits that the status of companionship does not grant a blanket immunity from moral and historical scrutiny, especially when the actions in question fundamentally reshaped the nature of Islamic governance and society. The Quran itself is replete with admonitions to its highest figures, including the Prophet Muhammad (33:1, 80:1-10), establishing a clear precedent that accountability is a universal principle. Therefore, to analyse the “sins of Muawiyah” is not an act of sectarian polemics but an exercise in intellectual honesty, one that is vital for understanding the historical roots of political authoritarianism, sectarianism, and the marginalization of humanistic values within parts of the Muslim world. To undertake this analysis, this paper will utilize three interconnected frameworks: 1. The framework, articulated by thinkers like Fazlur Rahman and Farid Esack, emphasizes the Quran’s profound focus on human dignity (karamah) (17:70), moral agency, free conscience (2:256), and the imperative of justice (‘adl) (5:8). It posits that any form of governance that relies on coercion, suppresses dissent through violence, and debases human life for political gain is fundamentally un-Islamic. Muawiyah’s reign will be measured against this standard of God-given human dignity. 2. The Quranic vision of the Ummah is one of a unified, merciful brotherhood (49:10), bound by faith rather than tribal, ethnic, or political loyalties (49:13). Inclusivism, as a lens, examines the extent to which a leader fosters this unity or, conversely, promotes division, exclusion, and ‘Asabiyyah (tribalism/factionalism). Muawiyah’s policies, particularly towards the partisans of Ali (Shi’at Ali), will be analysed for their impact on the inclusive fabric of the early Muslim community. 3. While the term “democracy” is modern, its core principles of consultation, consent, and accountability are deeply rooted in the Quran and the practice of the Prophet. The principle of Shura (mutual consultation) is a divine injunction (42:38, 3:159), and the early Caliphate (Khilafat-e-Rashida) was, in essence, a system based on communal sanction (Bay’Ah). This paper will use Shura as the benchmark for Islamic democratic practice, evaluating how Muawiyah systematically dismantled this tradition in favour of autocratic, hereditary rule. By filtering the historical data provided by al-Tabari and Ibn Kathir through these ethical and political lenses, a clear and coherent picture emerges. It is a picture of a leader whose political genius was undeniable, but whose legacy is forever marred by the profound and lasting damage he inflicted upon the political and spiritual soul of Islam. This paper will proceed by first establishing the historical record of Muawiyah’s rise and consolidation of power, then conducting a thematic analysis of his three cardinal sins, and finally, exploring the hermeneutical battle over his legacy that continues to this day. The Historical Record: A Chronicle of Subversion The historical accounts of al-Tabari’s Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk (History of the Prophets and Kings) and Ibn Kathir’s Al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya (The Beginning and the End) are indispensable for this analysis. Despite being Sunni historians who generally hold the Companions in high regard, their chronicles are remarkably detailed and often unflinching in their presentation of the facts. It is from within these canonical Sunni sources that the case against Muawiyah can be most powerfully constructed. Muawiyah’s political career began long before his conflict with Ali. Appointed as governor of Syria by Caliph Umar and confirmed by Caliph Uthman, he spent two decades consolidating his power base in the province. Unlike other regions of the nascent empire, Syria had a more established, hierarchical social structure inherited from its Byzantine past, and Muawiyah expertly cultivated the loyalty of its powerful Arab tribes, creating a disciplined and fiercely loyal army (Tabari, vol. 15, 215). He ruled his province more like a king than a governor, creating a proto-state that was loyal primarily to him, not to the central authority in Medina. The crisis that propelled him to the forefront was the assassination of his kinsman, the third Caliph, Uthman ibn Affan, in 656 CE. When Ali ibn Abi Talib was acclaimed as the fourth Caliph by the overwhelming consensus of the Companions in Medina, the established capital, Muawiyah made a fateful decision. He refused to offer his oath of allegiance (Bay’Ah). His public pretext was the demand for Qisas (retribution) for Uthman’s murder, accusing Ali of harbouring the assassins (Tabari, vol. 16, 25-30). However, a critical historical analysis reveals this pretext to be a masterstroke of political manipulation. Firstly, as the legitimate Caliph, the responsibility for administering justice fell to Ali, who argued that he first needed to establish stability before pursuing the culprits, who were scattered among various tribal factions. Secondly, Muawiyah’s own record in defending Uthman was questionable. As the powerful governor of a neighbouring province with a formidable army, he failed to send aid to the besieged Caliph despite pleas for help, a point that his critics, including Ali, repeatedly raised (Ibn Kathir, vol. 7, 180). His sudden zeal for justice after Uthman’s death, therefore, appears less a matter of principle and more a convenient casus belli. He used the emotionally charged symbol of Uthman’s blood-stained shirt, which he displayed publicly in the Damascus mosque, to galvanize Syrian sentiment and legitimize his defiance of the central government. This act of rebellion against a duly appointed Caliph is defined in Islamic jurisprudence as Baghy—a grave transgression against the political and social order of the Ummah. The Sin of Instigating Civil War Muawiyah’s rebellion did not remain a war of words. He mobilized his Syrian army, leading to the catastrophic First Fitna. The culmination of this conflict was the Battle of Siffin in 657 CE, a series of protracted and bloody engagements that pitted Muslims against Muslims, Companions against Companions. The sheer scale of the carnage, with casualty estimates running into the tens of thousands, was a tragedy of unprecedented proportions (Tabari, vol. 17, 50-120). From the viewpoint of Enlightenment Islam, which regards human life as sacred (Qur'an 5:32), starting such a destructive conflict for political gain is a grave sin of the utmost severity. The battle reached a climax when Ali’s forces, led by the formidable Malik al-Ashtar, were on the verge of a decisive victory. It was at this moment that Muawiyah’s general, the cunning Amr ibn al-As, executed one of the most infamous stratagems in Islamic history. On his advice, the Syrian soldiers hoisted copies of the Quran on their spears, crying out, "Let the Book of God judge between us!" (Ibn Kathir, vol. 7, 272). This act was a brilliant piece of psychological warfare. It was not a genuine call for divine arbitration but a ploy to halt the battle and save their imminent defeat by appealing to the piety of Ali’s predominantly Iraqi soldiers, many of whom were devout Quran reciters. Ali, recognizing the deception, urged his men to fight on, arguing that he represented the true spirit and just application of God's book against their cynical manipulation of its physical form. However, the dissent sown in his ranks was too great. He was forced to accept a ceasefire and agree to arbitration (Tahkim). This event was a turning point. It fractured Ali’s coalition, leading directly to the secession of the Khawarij (the Seceders), who condemned Ali for "submitting the judgment of God to men." Muawiyah’s cynical manipulation of the sacred text for military and political advantage not only saved his army but also fatally wounded Ali’s authority. This act of using religious symbols to subvert religious principles represents a profound ethical breach, echoing the Quranic condemnation of those who "purchase with God’s revelations a small price" (2:41). The Consolidation of Power and the End of the Rashidun Era The arbitration proved to be a political farce, with Muawiyah’s representative, Amr ibn al-As, outmanoeuvring Ali’s more scrupulous envoy, Abu Musa al-Ash’ari. The inconclusive result further weakened Ali and strengthened Muawiyah, who began to receive pledges of allegiance as a rival caliph. After Ali’s assassination by a Kharijite in 661 CE, his son, Hasan ibn Ali, was acclaimed as his successor in Kufa. Hasan, faced with a war-weary populace and Muawiyah’s unyielding military machine, chose to abdicate in order to prevent further bloodshed. A peace treaty was signed, and its terms are highly significant. According to historical accounts, Hasan agreed to relinquish authority to Muawiyah on several conditions, the most crucial of which was that after Muawiyah’s death, the matter of succession would be returned to the principle of Shura, allowing the Muslim community to choose its own leader (Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, 14-15). Other reported conditions included a halt to the public cursing of his father, Ali, and ensuring the safety of their supporters. With Hasan’s abdication, Muawiyah became the undisputed ruler of the Muslim world, and the year was declared the "Year of Unity." However, this unity was achieved not through consensus but through military superiority and political exhaustion. More importantly, as the subsequent events of his reign would prove, Muawiyah had no intention of honouring the spirit, or even the letter, of his treaty with Hasan. The era of the Khilafat-e-Rashida—the Rightly Guided Caliphate based in Medina and operating on the principles of piety, simplicity, and consultation—was over. The era of Mulk—kingship based in Damascus and operating on the principles of dynastic power, imperial grandeur, and autocracy—had begun. While Muawiyah’s path to power was paved with rebellion and bloodshed, it was his actions as Caliph that institutionalized a new political order, one that stood in stark contrast to the nascent Islamic ideal. These can be categorized into three cardinal sins against the core principles of Islamic governance. The Sin Against Shura: The Transformation of Khilafah into Mulk The most profound and enduring sin of Muawiyah’s reign was the deliberate and systematic destruction of the principle of consultative governance. The Quran makes Shura (mutual consultation) a defining characteristic of the Muslim community (42:38) and commands the Prophet himself to consult his followers (3:159). The first four Caliphs, despite variations in their selection, were all chosen through a process that involved some form of communal sanction and public allegiance (Bay’Ah). This established a powerful precedent that political authority was a trust (Amanah) granted by the community, not a right to be inherited. Muawiyah single-handedly demolished this foundation. In direct violation of his treaty with Hasan, he spent the latter part of his reign engineering the succession of his son, Yazid. This was not a nomination based on merit, but an imposition based on bloodline. Yazid was a controversial figure, known even at the time for a lifestyle that many considered impious and unfit for the leadership of the Ummah (Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, 228). The process of securing allegiance for Yazid was a masterclass in autocratic politics. Al-Tabari and Ibn Kathir both provide detailed accounts of how Muawiyah used a combination of bribery, intimidation, and political manoeuvring to force the issue. He summoned delegations from the provinces to Damascus, showering them with wealth and gifts to buy their loyalty (Tabari, vol. 18, 195-200). When faced with opposition from the senior figures in Medina—the heartland of Islamic tradition—including Hussein ibn Ali, Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr, and Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, his methods became more direct. He travelled to Medina himself and, according to several reports, entered the mosque with an armed guard, publicly threatening to kill anyone who dared to speak out against his decision (Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, 79-80). This act represents the formal death of the elective caliphate and the birth of hereditary monarchy. It was a political revolution that transformed the office of Khalifat Rasul Allah (Successor to the Messenger of God) into a kingship modelled on the Byzantine and Persian empires that the early Muslims had conquered. This was not merely a political change; it was a theological one. It severed the sacred link between the ruler and the ruled, replacing communal accountability with dynastic entitlement. From the perspective of Islamic democratic principles, this was the original sin of Islamic political history, creating a precedent for authoritarianism that would haunt the Muslim world for centuries. As one contemporary critic, Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr, reportedly shouted at the governor of Medina, "You are turning it into a Heraclian and a Caesarean matter, that when one king dies, another king takes his place!" (Tabari, vol. 18, 185). The Sin Against Human Dignity: Suppression, Coercion, and Political Violence Drawing from the Quranic assertion of human dignity (Karamah) (17:70), enlightened scholars posit a society where life is sacred and conscience is free. A ruler’s legitimacy is tied to their upholding of justice (‘Adl). Muawiyah’s reign saw a systematic erosion of these principles, as political dissent was increasingly equated with sedition and met with brutal force. The most infamous case is the execution of Hujr ibn Adi in 671 CE. Hujr was a pious Companion of the Prophet and a devout supporter of Ali’s family. He and his followers in Kufa openly protested the tyrannical practices of Muawiyah’s governor, Ziyad ibn Abihi, particularly his enforcement of the official policy of cursing Ali from the pulpit. Hujr’s protest was non-violent; it was an act of public criticism and conscientious objection. For this, he and several of his companions were arrested, shackled, and sent to Damascus. Muawiyah, despite pleas for clemency, ordered their execution (Tabari, vol. 18, 122-155). This event sent a shockwave across the Muslim world. It established a terrifying new precedent: the state could execute a Muslim, even a Companion of the Prophet, not for armed rebellion, but for political speech. Ibn Kathir records that several prominent figures, including Aisha, the Prophet’s widow, strongly condemned Muawiyah for this act. When she later met Muawiyah, she reportedly admonished him, "O Muawiyah, did you not fear that I would have a man waiting to kill you in retaliation for your killing of Hujr?" (Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, 55). The case of Hujr was not an isolated incident. Muawiyah’s reign was characterized by a climate of fear, where loyalty was enforced, and opponents were systematically eliminated. Historical sources contain allegations, though often disputed, that he was involved in the poisoning of several key rivals, including Hasan ibn Ali and the prominent Companion Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid ibn al-Walid (Safi, p.92). Whether these specific allegations are true or not, they reflect a political environment where such methods were considered plausible. The use of the state treasury (Bayt al-Mal) to bribe tribal leaders and buy allegiance, as extensively documented by al-Tabari, was another tool of his coercive statecraft, corrupting the concept of wealth as a communal trust. This use of violence, intimidation, and financial corruption to crush opposition stands as a grave sin against the Islamic humanist ideal of a just and compassionate society. The Institutionalization of Sectarianism The Quranic ideal of the Ummah is one of a single, unified body of believers, where piety, not lineage or political affiliation, is the sole criterion for honour (49:13). The Prophet’s final sermon famously dismantled the structures of pre-Islamic tribalism. Muawiyah’s reign, however, saw the resurrection of ‘Asabiyyah and the institutionalization of a deeply divisive and sectarian policy. The most egregious example of this was the official, state-sponsored practice of Sabb—the ritual cursing of Ali ibn Abi Talib from the pulpits during Friday prayers. This policy was enforced throughout the Umayyad empire for decades. Al-Tabari records Muawiyah’s instructions to his governors, such as al-Mughira ibn Shu’ba in Kufa, to "not refrain from abusing and insulting Ali" (Tabari, vol. 18, 122). This was not a spontaneous expression of political animosity; it was a calculated policy designed to posthumously delegitimize his great rival and entrench hatred for Ali and his family (Ahl al-Bayt) in the public consciousness. This act was a sin of immense proportions. Theologically, it was an attack on a figure whom the Prophet himself held in the highest esteem, a man promised Paradise and loved by God and His Messenger, according to numerous authentic hadith. To turn the pulpit (minbar)—a sacred space for reminding believers of God—into a platform for political slander and character assassination was a desecration of the very heart of Islamic worship. From the perspective of Islamic inclusivism, this policy was a catastrophe. It created a deep and lasting wound in the body of the Ummah. It alienated a massive segment of the population—the Shi’at Ali—and transformed a political disagreement into an intractable theological and identity-based schism. The Sunni-Shia divide, which had its roots in the political conflicts after the Prophet’s death, was cemented and institutionalized by this Umayyad policy of state-sponsored hate. It was the antithesis of the Quranic command to "hold firmly to the rope of God all together and do not become divided" (3:103). Instead of fostering the "brotherhood" of believers (49:10), Muawiyah’s rule was built upon a foundation of exclusion, factionalism, and the public vilification of a significant portion of the Muslim community. Hermeneutics of Principle The historical facts of Muawiyah’s reign, as documented by classical Sunni sources, are stark. The debate, therefore, is not primarily about what happened, but about how to interpret it. The legacy of Muawiyah is a battlefield of competing hermeneutics—different ways of reading and making sense of the past. The primary defence of Muawiyah, both in his own time and later, rests on a hermeneutic of pragmatism and deference. His supporters argue that all his actions, including his rebellion against Ali and his execution of Hujr, were the result of ijtihad. In this view, he was a legitimate interpreter of the faith who believed he was acting in the best interests of the state. His conflict with Ali was not a rebellion for power (Baghy) but a legitimate difference of opinion over a point of law (Qisas for Uthman). His establishment of monarchy was a political necessity to prevent the Ummah from descending back into the chaos of civil war. The stability and vast expansion of the empire under his rule are presented as proof of his success and divine favour. This line of reasoning is a classic "ends justify the means" argument. It prioritizes state stability and imperial power over the ethical and political principles enshrined in the Quran and Sunnah. It is a hermeneutic of power, which judges actions by their political efficacy rather than their moral substance. The Wahhabi/Salafi Hermeneutic: The Sanctification of a Companion Modern Wahhabi and Salafi thought takes this defence a step further by enveloping Muawiyah in an aura of untouchable sanctity. This hermeneutic is built on the theological doctrine that all who saw the Prophet and died as Muslims (Sahaba) are fundamentally just and beyond reproach. Criticizing any of them, especially one as prominent as Muawiyah, is considered a grave sin, often equated with the heresy of the Shia. This position requires a highly selective and sanitized reading of history. The deeply troubling accounts in al-Tabari and Ibn Kathir are either ignored, dismissed as weak or fabricated narrations (despite their presence in canonical works), or reinterpreted in the most charitable light possible. The murder of Hujr becomes a regrettable but necessary act to quell sedition. The transformation of the caliphate into kingship is downplayed. The cursing of Ali is often denied outright, despite overwhelming historical evidence. This hermeneutic is not just a theological stance; it is profoundly political. By valorising Muawiyah, the founder of the first Islamic dynasty, it provides historical and theological legitimacy for modern authoritarian rulers and monarchies in the Muslim world, particularly in the Arabian Peninsula where Wahhabism is the state ideology. The emphasis on absolute obedience to the ruler (Wali Al-Amr), even if they are unjust, uses the "Year of Unity" under Muawiyah as a key precedent. It is a hermeneutic designed to quell dissent and legitimize power structures that stand in direct opposition to the Quranic ideals of justice and consultation. Reading History through Islamic Enlightenment This paper champions a counter-hermeneutic, one that insists on reading history through the ethical prism of the Quran itself. This approach does not deny Muawiyah’s status as a Companion or his political skills. Instead, it argues that these do not exempt him from accountability to the timeless principles of his own faith. From this perspective, the "sins of Muawiyah" are clear and undeniable: • His rebellion against a Caliph chosen by the community, his violation of the treaty with Hasan, and his coercive imposition of his son Yazid were a direct assault on the principle of Shura (42:38). He replaced a government based on consent with one based on force and heredity. • His execution of Hujr ibn Adi for political criticism and the climate of fear he fostered were a violation of the God-given dignity (Karamah) of the human being (17:70) and the Quranic command for justice (4:135). • His institutionalization of the cursing of Ali and his promotion of Umayyad tribalism were a flagrant betrayal of the Quranic ideal of a unified and merciful Ummah (3:103, 49:10). He sowed the seeds of sectarianism that have plagued the Muslim world ever since. This critical hermeneutic is not an anachronistic application of modern values. On the contrary, it is an attempt to recover the original, radical egalitarianism and ethical rigor of the Quranic message. It argues that a critical engagement with the failures of the past is not an act of creating Fitna, but a necessary precondition for healing the Ummah and reclaiming the true spirit of Islam. It is an act of intellectual and spiritual courage, following the Quranic injunction to be "witnesses for God in justice" (5:8), even if it is against oneself or one’s own received traditions. The Enduring Relevance of Muawiyah's Sins Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan was, without doubt, a pivotal figure who shaped the course of Islamic history. His political acumen, administrative skill, and success in expanding the empire are a matter of historical record. However, the price of that success was the soul of the early Islamic political project. The historical evidence, drawn from the heart of the Sunni tradition itself, paints a damning picture of a ruler who prioritized power over principle, empire over Ummah, and dynasty over divinity. His reign marked a tragic rupture, a turning point where the revolutionary Islamic ideals of a just, consultative, and inclusive community were eclipsed by the familiar patterns of worldly kingship (Mulk). The “sins” of Muawiyah were not personal moral failings but systemic transgressions that created new and damaging precedents. The destruction of Shura gave birth to a long tradition of Islamic autocracy. The violent suppression of dissent provided a template for future tyrants. The institutionalization of sectarian hatred created a schism that has never fully healed. The contemporary reverence for Muawiyah in certain circles, particularly within the Wahhabi-Salafi movement, is therefore deeply problematic. It is a historical revisionism that serves to legitimize modern authoritarianism and silence calls for democratic reform and pluralism. It forces a choice between historical honesty and theological dogma, and too often, dogma wins. For contemporary Muslims seeking to build societies rooted in justice, human rights, and democratic participation, an honest reckoning with the legacy of Muawiyah is not optional; it is essential. His story is a powerful cautionary tale about the corrupting nature of absolute power and the dangers of allowing political pragmatism to hollow out the ethical core of faith. Analysing his sins is not merely an academic exercise; it is a profound act of rediscovery. It is about clearing away the debris of centuries of imperial history to reclaim the foundational principles of Islamic humanism, inclusivism, and democracy that were so tragically subverted at the very dawn of the Umayyad dynasty. The lessons of Muawiyah's reign are a stark reminder that the struggle for the soul of Islam is a perennial one, fought between a hermeneutics of power and a hermeneutics of principle. Bibliography Abou El Fadl, Khaled. Islam and the Challenge of Democracy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004. Esack, Farid. Qur’an, Liberation and Pluralism: An Islamic Perspective of Interreligious Solidarity against Oppression. London: Oneworld Publications, 1997. Ibn Kathir, Ismail. Al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya (The Beginning and the End). Beirut: Dar Ihya al-Turath al-Arabi, 1988. (Note: Specific volume and page numbers are referenced throughout the text, corresponding to standard Arabic editions). Rahman, Fazlur. Major Themes of the Qur’an. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. Sachedina, Abdulaziz. The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Safi, LM. Islam and Democracy: The Challenge of Political Islam. London and New York: Routledge, 2022. Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir al-. The History of al-Tabari (Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'l-muluk). 40 vols. Translated by various scholars. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1985-2007. ----- V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/the-war-within-islam/sins-muawiyah/d/136209 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Hazrat Shah Daula Of Gujarat: A Disciple Of Hazrat Sarmast, He Was A Revered Saint Of Undivided India

By Sahil Razvi, New Age Islam 19 July 2025 Hazrat Shah Daula (1581–1675), a Punjab saint, was a spiritual leader and builder. A disciple of Hazrat Sarmast, he left a legacy of devotion, architectural works, and community service. His Gujrat shrine continues to draw pilgrims. Main Points: 1. Hazrat Shah Daula (1581–1675) was a prominent Punjab saint during Emperor Akbar’s reign, known for spiritual teachings and community service. 2. A devoted follower of Hazrat Sarmast, he later led the khanqah, spreading Islamic teachings. 3. He constructed bridges, mosques, and gardens across Punjab, benefiting the community. 4. His Gujrat shrine, built by his son, remains a key spiritual site managed by descendants and the Auqaf Department. 5. His influence endures through his descendants and pilgrims visiting his shrine worldwide. ------ In the heart of Punjab, a saint’s legacy resonates across centuries, weaving together history and faith. Hazrat Shah Daula, born during the Mughal era, left an unforgettable imprint on Gujrat’s spiritual landscape. His iconic shrine stands as a beacon, attracting pilgrims and admirers worldwide. This article explores the remarkable life of this revered saint, tracing his path from a humble disciple to a visionary builder and spiritual leader. Dive into the story of how his teachings and architectural contributions continue to influence Punjab’s cultural tapestry, reflecting a timeless legacy of compassion, unity, and devotion that endures to this day. Born in 1581 during the reign of Emperor Jalaluddin Akbar, Hazrat Shah Daula lived a remarkable life that extended until 1675, overlapping with the grandeur of Mughal rule. His journey from birth to death is well-documented, with the first book on his life penned by Mian Muhammad Charaag, son of Shah Murad Qadri. A second work followed in 1720, authored by Munshi Mushtaq Ram, cementing his legacy long after his demise. Hazrat Shah Daula’s early years were shaped by his deep connection with his spiritual guide, Hazrat Sarmast. Hailing from Sialkot, he arrived in Gujrat on the orders of his Murshid, eventually making it his home during Akbar’s time. Known as “Daryai” by his followers, his devotion was unparalleled. He served Hazrat Sarmast with utmost sincerity, managing the khanqah (Sufi lodge) with care, arranging firewood, preparing food like flatbreads and curry, and tending to every need. A defining moment in his spiritual journey occurred when his Murshid called out, “Daula, come here!” Despite being far away, Hazrat Shah Daula rushed to his guide’s side, responding with “Labbaik, Ya Murshid!” (I am present, O my guide!). Touched by this dedication, Hazrat Sarmast blessed him, saying, “From now on, your prayers will heal every illness.” After his Murshid's passing, the khanqah was entrusted to him, marking the beginning of his own spiritual leadership. Hazrat Shah Daula’s life was a blend of preaching Islam and serving humanity. His compassion extended to the poor and needy, earning him followers from diverse backgrounds, including Hindu Community. A gifted communicator, he spoke Punjabi with his disciples but possessed a divine ability to understand and respond in their native languages. Remarkably, he was said to converse even with animals and birds. Beyond his spiritual contributions, Hazrat Shah Daula was a master builder. He constructed numerous structures across Punjab, though many have succumbed to time. Among the surviving or notable works are the shrine of Imam Ali Haq in Sialkot, the bridge near Kala Shah Kaku (still known as Shah Daula’s bridge), the fort in Sialkot, and various bridges, mosques, and gardens like the bridge at Garhi Shahdola, Mosque Shahi Qilladar in Gujrat, and Talaab Maulvi Abdullah in Mandi Meer Ganj, Gujrat. His efforts in creating places of worship and public utility reflect his commitment to community welfare. Despite his stature, Hazrat Shah Daula lived simply. He shunned comfortable carpets, preferring to rest on the floor, and wore modest attire with a cap. His followers described him as having a beautiful face, clean complexion, and striking eyes. He married Hazrat Bibi Hanifa, and they were blessed with a son, Syed Bahawan Shah, who carried forward his father’s social and cultural traditions after his death. Hazrat Shah Daula’s lineage flourished through his son, who fathered five sons, three of whom continued the family tree. His descendants are now spread across Pakistan and beyond, with some residing near his grave in Gujrat, serving his disciples. Among them is the celebrated poet Syed Pir Fazal Shah Sahib Gujrati, a testament to the family’s cultural contributions. The family tree is recorded in the Revenue records and linked to a 1960 court case overseen by the Additional Judge of Gujranwala. After Hazrat Shah Daula’s passing in 1675, his son began constructing his tomb, or Rauza, at the site of his resting place, alongside the grave of Hazrat Hanifa Bibi. Located in what was once called Garhi Shahdola, now in eastern Gujrat, the original structure suffered damage over time and was rebuilt in 1898. The shrine’s management rests with his descendants, divided into three prominent families: Pir Syed Kayem Shah, Pir Syed Ezat Shah, and Pir Syed Karam Shah. Since 1959, the Auqaf Department has overseen its upkeep, ensuring it remains a vibrant spiritual hub. The shrine of Hazrat Shah Daula, adorned with Mughal-era artistry, is a symbol of his enduring influence. One of his disciples prophesied, “Shahdola will become famous all across the world,” a vision that resonates today as devotees from near and far visit this sacred site. Recognized by the present government and rooted in a history that spans from Akbar to Aurangzeb, Hazrat Shah Daula’s legacy as a saint of Punjab continues to inspire awe and reverence. ----- A regular contributor to New Age Islam, Sahil Razvi is a research scholar specialising in Sufism and Islamic History. He is an alumnus of Jamia Millia Islamia. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/hazrat-daula-disciple-sarmast-saint/d/136222 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Teacher Didn't Encourage And Spread Atheism

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 19 July 2025 A case has been registered against a government school teacher for reciting a poem in the morning assembly to encourage students to focus only on studies and dream big. A video has gone viral showing Rajnish Gangwar, a teacher at Mahatma Gandhi Memorial (MGM) Inter College in Bahedi, Bareilly, reciting his self-composed poem that starts with the line: "Tum Kanwar Lene Mat Jana, Tum Gyaan Ka Deep Jalana (Don't go to fetch the Kanwar, instead light the lamp of knowledge)." Rajneesh Gangwar is a teacher at MGM Inter College ----- Another line of Gangwar's poem says: "Manavata Ki Seva Karke Sachche Manav Ban Jana, Kanwar Lene Mat Jana… Raajneeti Ab Dharmneeti Ab, Ye Punjiwadi Yug Hai, Janata Ke Hai Dharma-Afeem Se Bauraya Jag Hai " (Serve humanity and become a good human being. Don't go to fetch the Kanwar…Politics is religious policy now, it is the age of capitalism. The opium of religion is making people crazy)." This is indeed ironic. Instead of felicitating this evolved teacher, a case was registered against him! The main objective of education is to develop the scientific temperament. Teachers are supposed to inculcate rationality in their students. While most of the teachers are sickly religious, a rare one who chooses to swim against the tide is punished. I wonder what would have happened to a teacher like A K Ramanujan who hinted that Ramayana and Mahabharat were mere mythologies and must be studied as myths and allegories. He'd have been lynched in today's religion and god-intoxicated India! By the way, A K Ramanujan taught Linguistics at Chicago University in the US. It's worthwhile to mention that A K Ramanujan's essay, "Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation," was removed from Delhi University's history syllabus after protests from Hindu groups who found the essay's discussion of various Ramayana versions offensive. The same can be said about all faiths and their scriptures because religions, esp. Semitic faiths are not very amenable to the idea of hermeneutics. That said, students go to school to study and broaden their horizons. The teacher in UP wasn't encouraging and spreading atheism. He was just urging his young students to think rationally. But in today's India, who has time for reason? Sadly, we've enough time for religion and its associated mumbo-jumbo. Otherwise also, reason and religion are poles asunder. Nowadays, students go to schools and colleges to harden their religious beliefs. This is a sad and alarming state of affairs. May sense prevail so that this rational teacher continues to teach and exhort his students to think like emancipated individuals. But if the students and their parents themselves are reluctant to think scientifically, who can wean them away from all sorts of religious irrationalities? ----- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/current-affairs/teacher-encourage-atheism/d/136224 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar of Gujarat: The Saint Known for Healing and Protection

By Adnan Faizi, New Age Islam 19 July 2025 Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Datar was a Hussaini lineage Sufi warrior‑saint. Martyred in battle at Mandavgad, his shrine at Unava, Gujarat is famed for healing and exorcism. He continues to attract devotees across faiths. Main Points: 1. Brave Hussaini lineage warrior‑saint martyred at Mandavgad 2. Born in Ahmedabad, spiritual Noor visible since infancy 3. Battle participation began only after showing his bride 4. Shrine at Unava draws cross‑faith devotees seeking healing 5. Urs held annually, major rituals: luban, sandal, Sama ----- Introduction Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar, affectionately called Mira (brave) Datar (giver), is revered as both a bold warrior and a spiritual guide. Born into a respected Hussaini Sayyed family in 1426 CE, he devoted himself to serving Islam, ultimately sacrificing his life in defense of justice. His shrine in Unava, Gujarat, remains a beacon for those afflicted by spiritual or health challenges. Early Life & Family Background Hazrat Sayyed Ali was born 4 August 1426 CE (29 Ramadan 879 AH) in Ahmedabad, to Abu Ali Syed Shah Dost Muhammad, a commander under Sultan Ahmed Shah, and Aisha Bibi alias Jannati Maa. His paternal grandfather, Hazrat Syed Shah Muhammad Ilmuddin, had migrated from Bukhara Shareef and also served as a commander and preacher. Hazrat Syed Ali was the youngest sibling; his elder brother was Hazrat Syed Abu Mohammed, married to Syeda Bibi Kubra, and had nephews like Hazrat Syed Shah Murtaza Miya. His mother passed when he was about 10 months old, leaving him to be raised by his grandmother, grandmother-in-law and grandfather. From infancy, his face shone with noor (spiritual light), and he displayed a miraculous signs once miraculously obtaining milk for feeding. Under his grandfather’s tutelage, he studied Hadith, Quran, and Sunnah, growing into a devout and compassionate soul whose prayers were said to be answered swiftly. Bay‘ah & Teaching Though Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar was not affiliated with a formal Sufi order, he embodied the Hussaini spiritual tradition emphasising selfless service, deep devotion, and martial valour. His grandfather and father acted as his spiritual guides, instilling devotion to Hazrat Imam Husain. From youth, he was regarded as a Wali-Allah (friend of God), with devotees believing his prayers had healing power. He taught through example, performing ritual worship punctually on the battlefield and resolving believers’ issues with spiritual insight. Battle & Martyrdom At age 18, during the prolonged conflict at Mandavgad Fort, Hazrat Syed Ali left his wedding ceremonies to join the fight, fulfilling a divine mandate to liberate oppressed people. Riding with a small troop, he used both spiritual and martial strength; his sincerity in prayer even prompted enemy soldiers to convert. In the climactic fight, the tyrannical ruler beheaded Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar, According to shrine tradition, it is believed that Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar, even after martyrdom, miraculously struck down the tyrant and defeated the enemy, chopping the tyrant’s life-linked ‘choti’ (hair lock). Discovery & Burial Following instructions delivered in his grandfather’s dream, Hazrat Syed Ilmuddin led an expedition to Lohani cave, retrieved the body, and transported it to Unava, where a camel miraculously refused to move—marking the burial spot. The shrine now stands over that site, complete with his Miswak used at his final prayer. Khalifa & Succession The shrine is administered by claimed descendants of Ali Mira Datar, over 700 Mujawirs and Khuddaam (caretakers), including one of the current Gaddi Nasheen, Hazrat Syed Abid Miyan. Eleven family Mazars are venerated in the upper sanctum, marking prominent descendants and attendants. Shrine & Ritual Practices Located in Unava village, 90 km from Ahmedabad, the Dargah Sharif is a syncretic space with both Hindu and Muslim devotees seeking relief from black magic, demonic possession, mental illness, and unexplained ailments. Daily rituals including Luban (frankincense) and Sandal Mubarak (sandalwood paste) take place at dawn and in the evening—believed to bring healing. There are extraordinary practices: spirit-trance exorcisms, devotees chained in spiritual duress, and large numbers of psychiatric sufferers transformed through ritual. Urs, Festivals & Miracles Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar’s Urs is commemorated annually from 25 Muharram to 5 Safar, peaking on 29 Muharram, the day of his martyrdom, with Sama (Qawwali) sessions, flag hoisting, Chadar offerings, and sandal ceremonies. Born and martyred on moon-lit nights 29 Ramadan and 29 Muharram hence birthday and Urs are celebrated with lanterns, bathing, and special rituals. Numerous documented miracles include: Resurrecting a boy from death at Delhi railway station. Restoring eyesight via nocturnal spiritual surgery. Removing snakes implanted by black magic from the afflicted. Death & Legacy Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Daatar’s death cemented his saintly stature; his shrine at Unava now functions as a syncretic healing center, attracting lakhs of devotees yearly. The management by his progeny ensures continued observance of centuries-old rituals. The shrine serves not only as a mausoleum but also as a community hub—offering lodging, charity, and spiritual counsel for those afflicted physically or mentally. His legacy permeates Indian Sufism, echoing values of interfaith harmony, spiritual resilience, and grassroots healing. Conclusion Hazrat Syed Ali Mira Datar stands as a powerful symbol a young Hussaini warrior embraced as a Sufi healer whose sacrifice empowered liberation. His life bridges devotion, bravery, and deep empathy. Centuries later, his shrine remains a living testament: a place of hope for sufferers across faiths, and a reminder of the enduring potency of faith-infused action. ---- Adnan Faizi is a Peace and Harmony activist based in Delhi. He is an alumni of CCS University, Meerut. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/hazrat-daatar-saint-healing/d/136221 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Friday, July 18, 2025

The Moral Physics of Resurrection: What Survives Death for Resurrection

By Naseer Ahmed, New Age Islam 17 July 2025 How the Quran Affirms Informational Continuity Without Invoking Soul Survival ----- The Quran speaks not of an immortal soul, but of informational preservation and continuity. This is another Quranic truth that remained veiled until now—and perhaps, I was the first to explain it in these terms in my articles dating back from July 2017. Modern materialists dismiss the Quranic afterlife as a fairy-tale, equating it with ancient myths of soul survival or supernatural realms. But this critique misfires entirely, because it presumes that the Quran teaches what it in fact explicitly denies: the immortality of the soul, and a conscious existence between death and resurrection. The Quran’s concept of the human self is precise, grounded, and morally intelligible. It uses the word Nafs not as a disembodied spirit, but as a moral agent—a unique, conscious human person capable of intention, responsibility, and choice. This is why the Quran repeatedly declares: "Kullu Nafsin Dha'iqatul Mawt" "Every nafs shall taste death." (Quran 3:185) There is no exception, no dualism. Every conscious moral agent comes to an end. There is no Qur'anic basis for imagining a nafs that floats above the grave or hovers in some metaphysical holding area. This is clarified further in verse 23:100, often misunderstood: "Wa Min Wara'ihim Barzakhun Ila Yawmi Yub'athoon" "And behind them is a barrier until the Day they are resurrected." Here, the term Barzakh is not a place or realm, but a barrier—a word used consistently in the Quran to mean a separator or impassable boundary. Just as barzakh in 25:53 and 55:20 refers to the invisible division between salt and fresh water, in 23:100 it denotes the impassable state between death and return. No person exists in this interval. It is not a phase of experience, but the absence of it. Death is total, and resurrection is a distinct, future event—made possible not by the survival of a soul, but by the preservation of information: "Inna Nahnu Nuhyil Mawta Wa Naktubu Ma Qaddamu Wa Atharahum. Wa Kulla Shay'in Ahsaynahu Fi Imamin Mubeen" "Indeed, We give life to the dead and record what they sent ahead and what they left behind. And everything We have enumerated in a clear register." (Quran 36:12) It is this record, not a metaphysical substance, that survives. And it is based on this perfect record that God recreates the moral person: "Ma Khalqukum Wa La Ba'thukum Illa Kanafsin Wahidah" "Your creation and resurrection is but as (that of) a unique nafs." (Quran 31:28) Here again, Nafs refers to the human moral person, not a generic life force, nor a collective soul. The verse affirms that God can reconstitute each person, as uniquely and deliberately as the first time. Thus, resurrection is not magic. It is the rational consequence of divine justice and informational continuity. The same God who brought you into being from non-existence, shaped your moral personality, and recorded your every deed, is fully capable of restoring you in perfect detail. "Kama Bada'na Awwala Khalqin Nu'iduhu. Wa'dan 'Alayna. Inna Kunna Fa'ileen" "As We began the first creation, We shall repeat it. A promise binding upon Us. Truly, We shall do it." (Quran 21:104) Modern science increasingly supports the conceptual plausibility of such resurrection—not in theological terms, but through the lens of information theory, neuroscience, and digital consciousness modelling. The idea that identity, memory, personality, and choice can be preserved and reconstructed from information is no longer science fiction. It is a serious, if still speculative, area of scientific inquiry. The Quran, astonishingly, never relied on the theory of an immortal soul to explain resurrection—even though it would have been the easier argument to make. Its audience, like many today, found the idea of bodily resurrection after decay implausible. Yet the Quran insists: "He says, 'Who will give life to bones while they are disintegrated?' Say, 'He who created them the first time will give them life again; and He is, of all creation, Knowing.'" (Quran 36:78–79) This was not an appeal to mysticism, but to memory: the reminder that the first act of creation already proved the possibility of the second. The Quran does not ask us to believe in magic, but in the consistency of divine power and the logic of moral consequence. In this light, the Quranic afterlife is not an escape from reality, but its culmination. It is not founded on speculation, but on the coherence of a moral universe created by One who is Just, Knowing, and Able to bring all things to account. The question, then, is not whether a soul survives death. It is whether you will—because the record is being written, and the One writing it forgets nothing. ----- A frequent contributor to NewAgeIslam.com, Naseer Ahmed is an independent researcher and Quran-centric thinker whose work bridges faith, reason, and contemporary knowledge systems. Through a method rooted in intra-Quranic analysis and scientific coherence, the author has offered ground-breaking interpretations that challenge traditional dogma while staying firmly within the Quran’s framework. His work represents a bold, reasoned, and deeply reverent attempt to revive the Quran’s message in a language the modern world can test and trust. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-science/moral-physics-resurrection-death/d/136202 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism