Aurangzeb Supported Hindu Caste System, Giving Right to Bear Arms Only To Rajputs

By Maulana Abdul Hameed Noamani, Tr. New Age Islam December 17, 2024 The Campaign to Bury History and Truth in Darkness Instead of focusing on uplifting the oppressed and working-class people of India and integrating them into the mainstream, the aforementioned Muslim rulers left them to be exploited under the top three classes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas (Chhatris), and Vaishyas—of the Brahminical, Purohit, and Hindu social hierarchy. They incorporated these people into their system, involving them in the administration of government affairs. Even a ruler considered good, such as Aurangzeb, did not take a different approach. He issued a decree, while maintaining the existing social divisions of the Manu Maharaj caste system, that except for Rajputs, other Hindu communities should not wield weapons or ride elephants, palanquins, or Iraqi/Arabian horses. This decree is recorded by Muhammad Saqi Mustaid Khan in his Ma'āthir Alamgīrī under the heading "Greatest Privileges for Rajputs." ----- The proponents of Hindutva have never given serious attention to writing history based on facts and evidence. Their focus has always been on writing preferred stories and dramas, presenting assumptions as facts, in order to establish their dominance and exploit the resources of society for their benefit. To achieve this, the upper-caste elements carried out a systematic suppression of histories and truths, concealing the facts and launching an intense campaign to portray lies as the truth and the truth as lies. Instead of carrying out any creative or constructive work for the public interest and the welfare of the people and society, they resorted to both legal and illegal methods to erase the achievements of others and seize control of established monuments for their own benefit. A prominent example of this is the Jagannath Temple in Puri, Odisha. It is historically proven that the temple was originally a Buddhist Vihara. Another example is the construction of the Ram Mandir on the site of the Babri Masjid. The ancient inhabitants of the country, including the Dravidians, Mohenjo-Daro people, Adivasis, labouring classes, Dalits, Jains, and Buddhists, have also been victims of such activities. After the arrival of Islam and Muslims in India, many felt that a path of hope had opened for them. A large number of people embraced Islam, influenced by the work and character of scholars and righteous Muslim traders. Had they received better cooperation from Muslim rulers, and if these rulers had practiced justice and equality, paying attention to the oppressed and downtrodden classes of the majority society, while playing a role in promoting humanity and brotherhood, India’s image today would have been very different. The truth about the accusation of forcefully spreading Islam is evident from the fact that in the centres and capitals of Muslim rulers, and their surrounding areas, there has always been a Muslim minority living among a predominantly non-Muslim majority, and this situation has not changed much to this day. The Turkish, Mughal, and Pathan rulers, with some minor differences, were not much different from the Brahminical and Purohit classes in terms of social hierarchy, tribal, and regional pride. The only distinction was the role of mosques. The aggressive mind-set of Ziauddin Barani is reflected in his books Fatawa-i-Jahandari and Tarikh-i-Ferozshahi. Instead of focusing on uplifting the oppressed and working-class people of India and integrating them into the mainstream, the aforementioned Muslim rulers left them to be exploited under the top three classes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas (Chhatris), and Vaishyas—of the Brahminical, Purohit, and Hindu social hierarchy. They incorporated these people into their system, involving them in the administration of government affairs. Even a ruler considered good, such as Aurangzeb, did not take a different approach. He issued a decree, while maintaining the existing social divisions of the Manu Maharaj caste system, that except for Rajputs, other Hindu communities should not wield weapons or ride elephants, palanquins, or Iraqi/Arabian horses. This decree is recorded by Muhammad Saqi Mustaid Khan in his Ma'āthir Alamgīrī under the heading "Greatest Privileges for Rajputs." The Turkish, Mughal, and Pathan Muslim rulers, with their excessive regard for the supposed high caste Hindus, ignored many necessary matters, which later had long-lasting effects and consequences. This undue respect strengthened and emboldened a section of the population, who then became involved in continuous rebellion and conspiracies against the government. This group of sectarian elements continues to actively pursue its goals and ambitions by promoting Hindu-Muslim division and hatred. For them, Islamic and Muslim identity, historical sites, and anything related to Islam, such as mosques, shrines, and madrasas, are absolutely intolerable. It is often said that cutting off the head of Ravana will accomplish nothing, but striking at his navel will. In the same way, there is an ongoing effort to claim every historical and well-known building, mosque, Sufi lodge, and shrine as Hindu temples and take control over them. This disease, propagated by this group, has infected people from nearly all walks of life. Without proper treatment, no meaningful change in the situation can be expected. When even Parliament speakers and judges of the courts openly express bias and sectarianism, and declare their affiliation with organizations like the RSS, it becomes evident how severe the situation has become. Even with the existence of laws for the protection of places of worship, allowing judicial surveys under the pretext of demolishing historical temples or places of worship to build new ones is an incomprehensible action and directly contradicts the purpose of such protection laws. Some Dalit intellectuals argue that this is a consequence of efforts to search for Buddhist monasteries and stupas within temples. Whether it is the Babri Masjid case, the Jama Masjid, Varanasi (incorrectly called the Gyanwapi mosque), the Kamal Maula Mosque or Mazaar in the city of Dhar, Madhya Pradesh (incorrectly called the Bhuj Chala Mosque), the Badaun Mosque, the Tilah Shah Mosque in Lucknow, the Jama Masjid in Sambhal, or the shrine of Hazrat Khwaja Nawaz in Ajmer, all these historical and religious sites are under attack, as baseless assumptions and fabricated stories are being used to erase the true history and Islamic identity. The ongoing efforts in Delhi, the capital, to systematically erase the identity and historical significance of mosques and buildings, replacing them with Hindu identity and turning them into tourist attractions, are well known to those who are aware of the situation. Hari Shankar Jain, Vishnu Shankar Jain, Vishnu Gupta, Justice Shekhar Yadav, and others, who are raising issues related to the religious and social aspects of Islam, as well as the history of the country, need to be discussed and debated in the first stage. It is necessary to pose clear questions and engage in discussions in the context of religious rulings, historical matters, Hindu traditions, statements, and the stories and theories mentioned in religious texts. Criticizing and commenting on news alone will not yield significant results in this regard. It is important to assert that the claims made by Jain and Gupta are not based on historical facts and evidence. Similarly, Justice Yadav’s statements about Hindu Dharma Shastra, the Vedas, and Hindu traditions in relation to Islam and Muslims are also not grounded in a thorough and realistic study of religion, traditions, and practical circumstances. They should at least read the fifth chapter of the Manusmriti and Dr. Ambedkar’s book Riddles in Hinduism. Guru Golkar has also written that meat consumption is not prohibited in our tradition. From Justice Yadav's statements, it seems that he lacks accurate knowledge about sacrifice and meat consumption in Hindu-majority society and its traditions. Likewise, the claim that the shrine in Ajmer was originally a Hindu temple is nothing more than an assumption, as recorded in the book Harbilas Sarda. It is much like trying to argue the roundness of the Earth based on the length of rice grains. The tomb of Khwaja Gharib Nawazؒ remained in an unfinished state for almost 150 years, and it was later constructed into its current form. Therefore, there is neither any validity in the claim that it was a temple turned into a tomb, nor is there any credible historical evidence to support it. The same can be said about other Islamic temples and Muslim monuments. In this regard, the activities and efforts of the Hindutva groups are part of a campaign to drown history and truth in sectarian darkness. These efforts can be thwarted by bringing history, its facts, and evidence to the forefront. ----- Courtesy: Inquilab, New Delhi, 16 December 2024. (Translated from Urdu by New Age Islam) URL: https://www.newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/aurangzeb-hindu-caste-system-arms-rajputs/d/134046 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism