Wednesday, July 1, 2015

Pluralism in Islam -- Between Scripture and Praxis




By Parvez Ahmed

30 June, 2015

Egyptian writer Mona Eltahawy in a New York Times article recounted her 2005 encounter with Mohammed Akef, the then spiritual leader of Muslim Brotherhood. When she suggested to Akef that the verses in the Quran regarding women's dress have several interpretations, Akef replied, "...There are no different interpretations. There is just one interpretation." A 2012 Pew survey indicated that nearly 6 out of 10 Muslims believe that, "there is only one true way to interpret the teachings," of Islam, ranging from a high of 78 percent in Egypt to a low of 34 percent in Morocco. Do such attitudes reflect the core values of the Quran and the historical diversity among Muslims?

The 2012 Pew survey ("The World's Muslims: Unity and Diversity"), which was conducted in 39 countries covering nearly 67 percent of the world's Muslim population, showed strong consensus among Muslims regarding devotional practices.

Nearly 9 out of 10 fast during Ramadan, 7 in 10 give Zakat (charity), and 6 in 10 pray five times each day. Almost 100 percent declare their faith in God and believe that Muhammad (Salla Allahu 'Alayhi Wa Sallam) is God's Prophet and Messenger. Nearly 9 in 10 believe in heaven/hell, fate (Qadr) and angels; 8 in 10 believe the Quran to be the word of God. However, beyond such basic agreements, there is divergence in thought and actions, particularly as it relates to the religious pluralism.

Attitude Of Muslims Towards Intra-Faith Pluralism Is Varied And Often Elusive.

The picture for inter-faith pluralism is also gloomy. A 2006 Pew report ("The Great Divide: How Westerners and Muslims View Each Other") showed Muslims viewed Westerners as selfish, arrogant and violent, while Westerners viewed Muslims as fanatical, violent and arrogant. Examining the fallout from the publication of cartoons about Prophet Muhammad in a Danish newspaper, the report noted,

"By wide margins, Westerners who had heard of the controversy believe that Muslim intolerance is principally to blame for the controversy, while Muslims, by even more lopsided majorities, see Western disrespect for the Islamic religion as the root of the problem. The clashing points of view are seen clearly in Nigeria, where 81% of Muslims blame the controversy on Western disrespect and 63% of Christians say Muslim intolerance is to blame."

Not taking the time to understand each other creates the environment for toxic flashpoints.

Who Inherits Heaven?

Theological doctrines on salvation are an important issue in all religions. How such doctrines are put into practice may dictate attitudes towards interfaith relations. A2013 Pew survey titled, "The World's Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society" show that

on average (median) only 18 percent of Muslims believe that people of other faiths may inherit heaven. In Pakistan, Egypt, Iraq, and Malaysia 9 in 10 Muslims believe that "Islam is the one true faith leading to eternal life in heaven." However, in Bosnia, Kazakhstan, Cameroon, Chad, and Mozambique, nearly 4 out of 10 Muslims responded that, "many religions can lead to eternal life in heaven." Among American Muslims ("U.S. Muslims - Views on Religion and Society in a Global Context"), 56 percent believe that many religions can lead to eternal life.

On arguably one of the most important questions that consume people of all faiths there is impressive diversity of opinions. However, the parochial views in major Muslim-majority countries ought to elicit concerns.

Although hard-line conservatives often deny the salvific value of other faiths, Muslim scholars Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim noted that while heaven is eternal, hell is not. Al-Ghazali and Ibn Arabi inferred that the mercy of God cannot be held in such low estimation as to conceive that salvation is only attainable by Muslims. Mohammed Hassan Khalil, in his University of Michigan doctoral dissertation, "Muslim Scholarly Discussions on Salvation and the Fate of 'Others'," concludes that given the wide variety of opinions about the salvific fate of people of other faiths, Muslims should avoid one-dimensional answers to questions regarding salvation. Verses such as, "If God had so willed, He would have made you one community,...(5:48)" and "Each community has its own direction to which it turns... (2:148)," suggests that pluralism is an integral part of Quranic values. Abdulaziz Sachedina, professor of Islamic Studies at George Mason University, in his book the " The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism," cites chapter 2 verse 213 to argue about the pluralistic vision of Islam, "Mankind was a single community, then God sent prophets to bring good news and warning, and with them He sent the Scripture with the Truth, to judge between people in their disagreements."

In addition, Kurdish theologian Said Nursi (1877-1960) and author of the Quranic commentary "Risale-i-Nur," asserts that if followers of other faiths perform a genuine worship of God, then "the manifestations of the unseen and the epiphanies of the sprit, revelation and inspiration," are not exclusive to Islam and can be found in other divinely guided faith traditions. Contemporary Turkish scholar, Fethullah Gulen stressed in a Fountain magazine article titled, "The Necessity of Interfaith Dialogue," that Muslims cannot remain prisoners of their history and act out of "political partisanship" while cloaking it in the "garb" of Islam. He noted that Islam made history's greatest ecumenical call by stating in the Quran, "Say, 'People of the Book, let us arrive at a statement that is common to us all... (3:64)." In his view, this verse provides a big tent under which, "followers of revealed religions could end their separation."

What Is Pluralism?

Merely accepting diversity is not enough, asserts Harvard Pluralism Project's Diana Eck. In a multi-cultural, multi-religious world, it is necessary to "celebrate diversity," which requires knowledge of the "other." This does not imply relativism, often associated with watering down of one's beliefs. Eck notes, "Pluralism is the process of creating a society through critical and self-critical encounter with one another, acknowledging, rather than hiding, our deepest differences" and a commitment to nurture constructive dialogues. Practicing pluralism holds out hope for a deeper human shared dignity.

For many Muslims, religious pluralism evokes deep-seated fears about Western-inspired secular relativism, given the absence of exact Quranic or Hadith terms about pluralism. In his 2009 paper, "Diversity and Pluralism, A Quranic Perspective" (Islam and Civilisational Renewal, Vol. 1 No. 1, p. 29), Mohammed Hasan Kamali, former professor of law at the International Islamic University of Malaysia, advocates using al-ta῾ad-dudiyyah as the Arabic cognate for pluralism. Labelling every heterodox practice as "un-Islamic" erodes the fabric of the Ummah and is the genesis of the Takfiri attitude (calling Muslims as kafir or infidel), most violently manifested in terrorist groups. Decrying that Islam is the most misunderstood religion in the West, and yet succumbing to easy stereotyping of people of other faiths, leaves Muslims vulnerable to charges of hypocrisy. The Quran condemns such attitudes, "Do you order righteousness of the people and forget yourselves while you recite the Scripture? Then will you not reason? (2:44)"

Inclusivism in the Quran

The Quran states La Ikraha Fi-Din, (There is no compulsion in religion... (2:256) where the use of "la" to start the verse indicates that the negation is inclusive of the past, present and future. This is akin to the use of La-Ilaha (there is no god), in the Shahada (Declaration of Faith), which ends with the emphatic Il-Lal-Lah (but God). Following la is the word Ikraha, often translated as compulsion. The trilateral root for the word Ikraha is Kaf Ra Ha, the same root that produces the verb Kariha, meaning dislike or hate. The word Makruh, which not only literally means dislike, but is also used as a legal standard to denote actions that are displeasing to God, also comes from the same root. In other words, compulsion (Ikraha) is forbidden because it is an action that is disliked or hated by God. "There is no compulsion in religion," cannot then be viewed as merely a philosophical statement but rather a foundational value and an obligatory practice. Similar to 2:256, another Madinan verse also informs Prophet Muhammad (SA) that, "..., your only duty is to convey the message (3:20)" not compel people to convert. Thus, ideas about pluralism are not alien to Islam. Curtailing the freedom of conscience for any individual or group will be in defiance of the will of God.

The Quran also acknowledges cultural pluralism, "Another of His signs is the creation of the heavens and earth, and the diversity of your languages and colors (30:22)." In addition, the Quran notes that all Prophets and Messengers were sent to their people to preach in the tongue of the local population (14:4). The cultural, political, religious and economic pluralism, which we observe in all aspects of human civilization, is a purposeful divine action - "If God had so willed, He would have made you one community...(5:48)."

A contemporary scholar, Reza Shah-Kazemi noted in his paper "Tolerance" (in Amyn B. Sajoo, ed, A Companion to Muslim Ethics, London: I.B. Tauris, 2010),

"For Muslims, tolerance of the other is integral to the practice of Islam. It is not an optional extra, a cultural luxury. The Quran sets forth an expansive vision of diversity and difference, plurality and indeed of universality. This is all the more ironic since the practice of contemporary Muslim states, not to mention extra-state groups and actors, falls lamentably short of those expectations as well as of current standards of tolerance set by the secular West."

Kazemi proposes developing pluralistic attitudes in Muslim societies as a, "principle at the very heart of the vision of Islam itself: a vision in which the plurality of religious paths to the One is perceived as a reflection of the spiritual infinity of the One." InRisale-i Nur, commenting on the oft-cited Quranic verse of diversity ("People, We created you all from a single man and a single woman, and made you into races and tribes so that you should recognize one another," 49:13) Nursi said, "Being divided into groups and tribes should lead to mutual acquaintance and mutual assistance, not to antipathy and mutual hostility."

Mutual assistance is possible when there is mutual respect, which is fostered by an unequivocal commitment to engage with diversity, not just merely tolerating it.

Is The Quran Also Exclusivist?

Muslims who ignore the message of universality in the Quran often cite 3:19 and 3:85 as evidence that salvation belongs exclusively to Muslims. In 3:19, the Quran states, "True religion in God's eye is Islam." Later in the same chapter, verse 85 reads, "If anyone seeks a religion other than (Islam) complete devotion to God, it will not be accepted from him: he will be one of the losers in the hereafter." Several translations (such as M.A.S. Abdel Haleem's. "The Qur'an - A New Translation," Oxford, 2004) used the lowercase "i" suggesting that Islam is being used as a verb, which means submission or devotion to God. It is not being viewed only as the exclusive name given to the religion of Islam as it is practiced today. Even if literal exegesis is given preference, they still do not deny the truth contained in other religions. Several verses in the Quran present the act of freely submitting to God as a universal religion. In 10:72, Noah is commanded to submit (Muslimin) and in 2:131, Abraham is asked to submit (aslim). Abraham and Jacob advise their sons to not die except in willing submission to God (Muslimun) in 2:132. Japanese scholar, Toshiko Izutsu in "God and Man in the Koran" (Islamic Book Trust, p. 199. 2000) asserted that if Islam is meant as submission and not a distinctive religious identity, then it closes the door of exclusivism and provides material for, "a very eloquent understanding of religious pluralism, one wherein all revelations throughout history are seen as different ways of giving to God that which is most difficult to give - our very selves."

Li-Taa-Rafu (Getting To Know One Another)

The Quran in 2:113 and 2:120 condemns those Christians and Jews who assert that only their followers will be offered salvation by God. Why would the same Quran then endorse such exclusivist attitude by Muslims? Pluralism, as it is understood today, is certainly not a major theme in the Quran. And yet when placed in the context of state of human knowledge in the seventh century, the message of the Quran unequivocally celebrates diversity and encourages engagement (Li-Taa-Rafu in 49:13). Persian poet Saadi Shirazi best surmises the Quranic ethos of pluralism in his celebrated poem Bani Adam,

"All men and women are to each other

the limbs of a single body, each of us drawn/from life's shimmering essence, God's perfect pearl;

and when this life we share wounds one of us, all share the hurt as if it were our own.

You, who will not feel another's pain, you forfeit the right to be called human."

(Gulistan, translated by Richard Jeffrey Newman (Global Scholarly Publications 2004)

Muslim scholars, political leaders and civic society must emphasize the pluralistic message of the Quran and urgently address the pervasive exclusivist attitude among many Muslims. Neglecting the pluralistic message of the Quran has allowed fringe groups to use anachronistic stereotypes about fellow Muslims, people of other faiths and entire nation-states, to unleash a form of violence rooted in extreme interpretations of Islamic eschatology (the study of end-of-time). From divisive identity politics to deranged messianic violence, all have their genesis in wilful disregard of pluralism as a core Quranic value. It is not coincidental that societies that have embraced pluralism also tend to be more successful and peaceful.

A version of this article first appeared in the July/August issue of Islamic Horizons.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/parvez-ahmed/pluralism-in-islam-betwee_b_7698090.html?ir=India&adsSiteOverride=in

The Diffusion of Militant Islamic Radicalism from the Middle East Is a Threat to Multicultural, Plural and Syncretic Societies like India





By Rajendra Abhyankar

June 30, 2015

The Islamic State’s terror attacks on June 26 in Tunisia, France and Kuwait have made the Mediterranean the epicentre of violent Islamic radicalism. Once seen as a settled Western responsibility, it has now become the Bermuda Triangle of international relationships. The unending stream of forced migrants from the south and east reflects the combined crises in society, governance and development in the countries of the southern and eastern Mediterranean. The diffusion of militant Islamic radicalism from the region is a threat to multicultural, plural and syncretic societies like India.

The blowback by entrenched interests in Syria and Egypt against popular Arab revolutions destroyed governance and societal cohesion, resulting in internecine bloodletting, rule by warlords and radical Islamic groups like the IS, al-Qaeda and its clones, the redrawing of borders and the breakdown of the region’s tolerant cultural ethos.

On the northern rim, the continuing impact of the 2009 financial collapse on the European Union limited its ability to stem, control or resolve the Greek financial debacle, even as its “forward policy” was challenged by Russia’s takeover of the Crimea and military pressure on Ukraine, Turkey playing up its Islamic — rather than its European and NATO— face, and pressure on the euro zone’s continuing viability. With the US’s focus shifting to Asia, the EU has come up short in its role as the regional security and development provider.

The unsettling of established relationships has meant an oft-contradictory realignment of adversarial forces. Consequently, Russia and China have ended up defending non-interference in Syria against France, the UK and other Western powers, while a diametrically opposite scenario unfolds in central Europe and at the UN Security Council. France supports radical Islamic groups fighting the Bashar al-Assad regime, while its troops try to defend Mali from the Boko Haram. Even as it slides into authoritarianism, Turkey has positioned itself as the paradigm of democracy in the Islamic world.

Israel, long opposed to Islamic radicalism, provides medical succour in hospitals in occupied Golan to IS soldiers battling Assad while making common cause with long-standing adversary Saudi Arabia against Iran. The IS, far from assisting its Sunni brethren in the fight against Palestine’s occupation, chooses to fight against the Assad regime and destroy minority communities like the Christians, Kurds and Assyrians. The IS’s military success and attempt to carve out a state structure opens, for the first time, the possibility of a radical Islamic state in the Mediterranean. Despite NATO strikes, Libya remains farmed out among tribal warlords, making it a conduit for populations fleeing religious violence and penury in sub-Saharan Africa.

The US’s withdrawal has eroded cohesion among Western powers in response to these challenges. The war-weariness of the American people has forced quick-fix solutions in the Levant, based on partisan advice by regional powers. As a result of the unstructured strategy against the IS, one that relies on sporadic drone strikes, the US and Assad are fighting the same enemy. Yet, the churning has opened up new opportunities in trade, energy and investment. The entry in the Mediterranean of rising Asian powers like China, India and the Gulf countries has been remarkable. The discovery of huge offshore reserves of oil and gas in the east Mediterranean Sea, the Great Levant Basin, could be a catalyst for making peace — or a trigger for a new dimension to unending conflict. The stabilisation of the Mediterranean requires three levels of dialogue.

 First, a dialogue on stemming the refugee tide predicated on cohesive EU support to Italy’s “Mare Nostrum” operation. The international community’s cooperation in anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast provides a precedent.

Second, a dialogue on the scourge of Islamic radicalism between members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, major Western powers and countries with large Muslim populations.

Third, a dialogue to unveil a new round of peace talks by leveraging the massive oil and gas discoveries to foster shared partnerships within the Mediterranean.

Rajendra Abhyankar, a former Indian Ambassador to Syria, Turkey and the EU, is professor of practice of diplomacy and public affairs at the School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University, Bloomington.

Source: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mediterranean-edge/2/#sthash.OesOgUPD.dpuf

Of A Hindu, a Muslim and a Christian Fast



By R. V. Smith

June 28, 2015

Like all other festivals, the holy month of Ramzan calls for amity and brotherhood of humankind.

Delhi has always been a cosmopolitan city where, despite discord at times, communal harmony was a remarkable feature. With the month of Ramzan having set in one is reminded of the time when Hindus did not eat, smoke or chew Paan in the presence of Muslim friends and acquaintances. Incidentally, Jews and Armenians at Akbar’s court, and also some Francisis (French) merchants kept the fast on the first and last day of Ramzan. R.K. Mathur, a Kahishta, used to recall that once when he went to Bara Hindu Rao and tried to make a telephone call from a public booth, the young man manning it asked him why he was not fasting and instead eating a Paan. The youngster had mistaken his identity because he was wearing a starched Kurta and pyjamas with a cap on his head and had a beard. Rather than hurt his feelings, he diplomatically replied that he had a tummy upset because of which Roza was not possible. The boy relented and allowed him to make a call only after Mathur Sahib greeted the call receiver with “Om Namo Shivai”.

The same thing happened when Denny went from Christian Colony in Karol Bagh to Ballimaran to buy Biryani at the erstwhile Bismillah Hotel and tasted a mouthful from the packet that had been handed over to him. “Wah Mian Aftari Ka Waqt Aya Nahin Hai Aur Aap Ne Biryani Chaakh Bhi Li” (the time to end the fast has still not come and you have already tasted the biryani) Denny replied that it was just a lapse of memory and, in any case, the smell was so appetizing that he couldn’t resist the temptation of sampling some as per his habit. Just then a friend of his, Munne Mian, who was passing by greeted him with “Good evening Denny Sahib, how is your father, the Padri Sahib of Baptist Church?” The shopkeeper’s eyes widened as it dawned on him that he had made a faux pa. Denny accepted his apology with a smile.

It is a well known fact, that in earlier times, both high caste Hindu women and those from the sweeper community would congregate on the steps of the Jama Masjid so that the Namazis coming out after Maghrib (sunset) prayers during Ramzan could bless their children by breathing on them. Some Brahmin and Khatri women went so far as to kiss the old Namazis’ hands and place them on the heads of their kids. After that they would visit the shrine of Hare-Bhare Sahib to light Diyas.

Raphael, a news agency operator, who lived in Kutcha Mir Ashiq, would stop the office car in front of the Jama Masjid while returning from night duty in Ramzan days and enjoy nahari at Karim Hotel before going home. Once when he sat down to eat just before dawn a waiter told him that he had come late. “There’s still 15 minutes for sehri time to end,” replied Raphael, looking at his watch. The waiter nodded and he finished his breakfast and strolled to a corner shop, where the Paanwallah asked him to hurry up as it would soon be time for Azaan. Raphael quickly put the proffered Paan in his mouth and made his way home. A group of singers returning after rousing the faithful for the last meal before the Roza embraced him as one of their own who never missed Sehri at Karim’s.

It’s worth noting that in 1901, as per Dr Narayani Gupta, Muslim and Christian shoemakers combined to protest against the Punjabi Muslim leather goods merchants of Ballimaran who, backed by moneylenders, were exploiting them. One of the many instances of inter-communal unity. Would you believe it that some devout Hindu women, used to observe a Ramzan fast from afternoon to sundown? recorded researcher Swapna Liddle. A pious Catholic, Alvina Bua not only kept the 40-day Lent fast but also the Ramzan one. The latter for “sins committed after Easter”.

How many non-Muslims observe the fast now is difficult to tell but many inmates of Tihar Jail join the Muslims incarcerated there in keeping the Roza. The Barawafat Mela, the Tar-ka Mela, Phool Walon-ki Sair and Holi and Id Milan were other occasions when communal harmony manifested itself conspicuously. And by the way, Muslim soldiers stationed at Wazirabad Cantonment in British times used to help their Hindu colleagues in staging Ramlila every year. Lakshman, Vibhishan and Ravana’s roles were sometimes played by them. And once, hold your breath; Sita’s part was enacted by a handsome Muslim sepoy. Ramzan is the right occasion to savour such revelations in Haji Mian’s company when the feasting begins after sundown around the illuminated Jama Masjid.

Source: http://www.thehindu.com/features/metroplus/of-a-hindu-a-muslim-and-a-christian-fast/article7364006.ece?secname=entertainment&secpage=true

Unborn Girls of Pakistan Are at Risk or Probably, ‘Gone Girls’




By Rafia Zakaria

July 1st, 2015

NEARLY every woman in Pakistan has been witness or victim to it. A woman, an aunt, a sister, becomes pregnant. If she has daughters or even if she does not, the hope is for a boy. In the prayers old ladies bestow on the woman, to the vocalised aspirations of all relatives, the hope, the desire, the goal is a boy. For all but a few families, therefore, the birth of a girl is a loss.

Given the dynamics of shame in the country, some cover this up with forced smiles and platitudes; others visibly mourn and mope. The numbers for a while testified to the reality: 105.7 boys born for every 100 girls. In parts of the world where such prejudice does not exist, the natural ratio so to speak, is usually about 50/50. Expanded into millions it becomes a huge gap between men and women.

It was only a matter of time before technology was put into the service of patriarchy. According to the Population Research Institute, that calls itself a non-profit research group, and that collects data on sex selective abortion, over 1.2 million female foetuses were aborted in Pakistan in the years between 2000 and 2014. The yearly average of sex selective abortions is 116,384. The numbers are reportedly trumped only by China and India, both of which have significantly larger populations than Pakistan and who see around 800,000 and 600,000 sex selective abortions every year. The numbers are calculated using census numbers and life expectancy and then projecting the natural ratio and noting the disparity between what should be and what is.

These estimates may be surprising to some, at least in this sort of public presentation. Reproductive health is in itself a loaded issue in Pakistan, where fertility and a woman’s ability to give birth and then give birth to a son has huge impact on the quality of her life. In private conversations, reproductive healthcare professionals tell of the onerous professional decisions they face when confronted with infertility issues. Women, afraid of losing their marriages, will often beg their doctors to keep information from their in-laws. In sum, the issue of a woman’s ability to bear children is a fraught one.

Sex selective abortions are obviously happening in Pakistan and at a rate higher than in many other countries.

With so much riding on the ability and possibility of a woman bearing a child, it is unsurprising that, even in educated families, misinformation and secrecy reigns. Abortion for any reason is a taboo subject, with no statistics available as to who or why or when abortions are necessitated and what sort of care is available to women who have them. Given the rest of Pakistan’s dismal numbers on maternal health (the majority of poor women have virtually no access to healthcare) and the deplorable mix of coercion and abuse that hounds most women, it can safely be assumed that most who avail of them do so in secrecy, with a good number perishing in the process. Life in general is cheap in Pakistan and women’s lives even cheaper.

Numbers, however, do not lie. Sex selective abortions, where parents discover the gender of the foetus and then abort it, are obviously happening in Pakistan and at a rate higher than in Vietnam, Malaysia, Azerbaijan and others. Nor is there any hope, it seems; with girls married off at younger ages (half of married women between the ages of 20-24 were married before they were even 18), little training for those providing reproductive health services and coercive in-laws and husbands wanting sons at any cost, the number of these abortions will most likely rise.

The high cost of raising children, expected only to get higher, is likely to facilitate its popularity; the country’s increasingly urban character will add to it. Boys after all are investments with rates of return; girls, we are told, are always liabilities. Normally, the ever-vigilant religious vanguard of Pakistani society would rise up and rant against the killing of the unborn; but patriarchy, it seems, silences even the most pious and the issue of saving unborn girls does not appear on their agenda.

Should we feel sorry for the 1.2m gone girls of Pakistan, the ones who were killed before they ever had a chance to live? Instinct and empathy would say yes; a chance at life is after all a chance at change, at making something of oneself, at a future. This sort of wish, however, aligns poorly with the realities of Pakistani society.

As a large number of unborn girls of Pakistan continue to be eliminated soon after they make their first appearances on this or that ultrasound monitor, as the number of gone girls rises from the hundreds of thousands a year to the millions, the men may notice. Future generations could see a Pakistan transformed from one where women are increasingly banished and invisible to one where women are simply not there anymore. If the level of misogyny regularly witnessed in the pages of newspapers, the murders and kidnappings, the discrimination and abuse are any indicator, then it seems that the numbers of women could dwindle further.

This ‘womanless’ world, one that the country’s men seem to want to create, by harassing and constraining, banning and eliminating, raping and disrespecting, would be a good fate for them. Those that plan and plot and kill girls before they are born, who imagine their hushed act as having no consequences, would face the collective catastrophe brought on by a million others that thought the same. In the meantime, many unborn girls of Pakistan are at risk or probably, gone girls.

 Rafia Zakaria is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.

Source: http://www.dawn.com/news/1191470/pakistans-gone-girls

The Muslims Are Coming: Quick, Hide the Miniskirts


By Leo Hohmann

30 June 2015

What happens when two opposing cultures meet up, one based on permissive Western values and the other on repressive Islamic doctrine?

If the latest news out of Germany is any indication, the latter wins.

Earlier this month, 200 Syrian refugees arrived in Pocking, Bavaria, and the local school system set up an emergency shelter right next to the gym of Wilhelm-Diess-Gymnasium, Die Welt reports.

The gym has been closed, and physical-education lessons have been relocated to a nearby primary school, but the school is still worried about the refugees interacting with students, reports the Local, an English-language newspaper in Germany.

So worried were school officials that they sent a letter home to parents warning them not to let their daughters wear low-cut blouses or short skirts, because emergency accommodation for refugees has been set up next to the gym.

The head teacher’s letter tried to reassure parents about extra security measures being put in place.

“For the refugees, access to the school gardens and buildings is strictly forbidden. The same goes for the school grounds during the day. The number of teachers on duty during breaks has been increased,” stated the letter from head teacher Martin Thalhammer.

The letter continued with instructions for students:

“The Syrian citizens are mainly Muslims and speak Arabic. The refugees are marked by their own culture. Because our school is directly next to where they are staying, modest clothing should be adhered to, in order to avoid discrepancies. Revealing tops or blouses, short shorts or miniskirts could lead to misunderstandings.”

The school also asked to students to refrain from “direct eyeballing, ogling or taking pictures.”

‘Overwhelmed by the bikinis’

The letter has reportedly met with some push back by parents, but a local politician, who did not want to be named, told Die Welt the move was “absolutely necessary.”

“When Muslim teenage boys go to open-air swimming pools, they are overwhelmed when they see girls in bikinis,” he said.

“These boys, who come from a culture where for women it is frowned upon to show naked skin, follow girls and bother them without realizing. Obviously this is concerning for us,” he continued.

Thalhammer told Passauer Neue Presse he has received resistance from some parents and many questions from media outlets.

“There have never been uniform rules at this school and there never will be,” he told the newspaper. “It is my duty to look after the children. Therefore I wanted to inform everyone about what is going on at school and what the gym is being used for.”

Questions about assimilation not being asked

Germany has agreed to accept 30,000 Syrians designated as refugees by the United Nations, which has at least 130,000 Syrians it wants to resettle in Western countries. About half, 65,000, are being reserved for the United States although Congress has resisted the White House efforts to take in anywhere near that number. So far, the U.S. has committed only to take 2,000 by the end of fiscal 2015. More than 660 Syrians have already arrived in the U.S. since January and about 1,000 have been resettled in the U.S. since the civil war broke out in late 2011.

So far all of the concerns voiced by Congress have had to do with the security risks of bringing large numbers of Syrian Muslims to America. WND reported last week on the latest congressional hearing in which Congress was warned about the likelihood that ISIS or other terrorist organizations could infiltrate the ranks of Syrian refugees.

But others worry about the troubles that other refugee groups, such as the Somalis, have had assimilating into American culture.

Ann Corcoran, author of the Refugee Resettlement blog and a longtime watchdog over the resettlement business, said perhaps there could be a “silver lining” when Muslim refugees arrive and make demands that impose upon Western social mores.

“Maybe this next generation of Western young people will understand how threatening an Islamic supremacist ideology is to their freedom,” she mused. “In fact, yesterday’s news that ISIS killed four gay men by throwing them from rooftops should convince some leftists that maybe the enemy of my enemy is not my friend!”

Source; http://www.wnd.com/2015/06/the-muslims-are-coming-quick-hide-the-miniskirts/#fUklk5ICjEi2RlF1.99

ISIS Caliphate’s First Birthday — It Now Inspires Lone Wolf Terrorism across Continents





By Sreeram Sundar Chaulia

June 30, 2015

One year since the Islamic State or ISIS declared the establishment of a caliphate; it has metastasised numerically, territorially and financially into a nightmarish empire.

With 30,000 hardened jihadist fighters drawn from nearly 100 countries in its ranks, the harsh Sharia-based caliphate reigns over eight million civilians in Iraq and Syria on land equivalent to the UK’s size. Besides donations from Sunni fundamentalist regimes and wealthy private patrons, ISIS taxes and extorts the population under its iron grip, sells oil on the black market, plunders banks, smuggles antiquities and kidnaps victims for ransom.

Most alarmingly, ISIS has grown into a global ideological brand, franchising affiliates in Libya, Egypt, Algeria, Nigeria, Palestine, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Philippines. Terrorist attacks in multiple continents by ‘lone wolves’ now derive inspiration from ISIS, leaving al-Qaida behind in the iconography of jihad.

These gains have occurred in spite of an aerial bombing campaign by America, fierce resistance on the ground by Iran-backed Shia militias, Kurdish guerrillas and some Sunni tribal outfits. The US claims to have eliminated more than 10,000 ISIS combatants in the last nine months of airstrikes, but also admits that the caliphate dyed in a culture of martyrdom and armed with slick online propaganda machinery has the capacity to ‘adequately replace’ slain holy warriors.

The ISIS caliphate is holding its ground by capitalising on a combination of crises in the Muslim world. Firstly, there is a crisis of geopolitics, wherein conservative Sunni regimes and their backers in Washington are refusing to join hands with Shia Iran, even though the latter has capable assets to beat ISIS.

Secondly, ISIS is a beneficiary of a crisis of masculinity in the Muslim world. It has attracted thousands of sexually repressed and religiously indoctrinated Sunni males with the lure of owning ‘slave girls’ belonging to minority communities like Yazidis and Christians. Chilling narratives of crimes against women in captivity attract depraved men wishing to prove their manhood against ‘infidels’ in a religiously ordained way.

Thirdly, ISIS thrives on the entrenched crisis of governance in the Middle East which the Arab Spring had originally sought to address. The failure of despotic states to provide freedom, equality and political inclusion is not limited to Syria or Iraq, but extends throughout the region. As long as ISIS ravages only Shia rulers of Damascus and Baghdad and steers clear of challenging Sunni tyrannies like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and UAE, it helps to keep a lid on the governance failure that is endemic.

The ISIS caliphate’s so-called Quranic rule is more repressive than what Sunnis currently endure in authoritarian countries, but it offers a mythical release from daily problems by preaching that a ‘pure’ religious state is infallible since God is on its side. Its devilish birthday resolution will be to enjoy many happy returns by ensuring that the three crises of geopolitics, masculinity and governance are perpetuated.

Source: http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/isis-caliphates-first-birthday-it-now-inspires-lone-wolf-terrorism-across-continents/

Retell the Narrative of Islam to Attack ISIL’s Core





By Sholto Byrnes

June 30, 2015

Until recently, they both appeared to be normal citizens – both Seifeddine Rezgui, the former break dancing enthusiast who pitilessly gunned down innocent tourists on a Tunisian beach, and Yassin Salhi, the delivery man being held for decapitating his boss and attempting to blow up a chemicals plant near Lyon, France.

But Rezgui had recently been radicalised and Salhi had been on a watch list in the past. That these massacres, as well as the suicide bombing of a mosque in Kuwait, were seemingly perpetrated in the name of religion, however, only underlines once again that it is more essential than ever that the true Islam – moderate, tolerant and peaceful – asserts itself and makes its presence in the world known more and more loudly.

This is vital. For, while we can repeat again and again that this is not Islam – and it isn’t – we have also to come up with explanations for why these individuals appear to have taken leave of their senses.

If the lure of extremist ideologies is not acknowledged and if they are not properly distinguished from the religion whose mantle they falsely claim, then it is all too easy for leaders such as Britain’s David Cameron to focus on what his former minister, Baroness Warsi, labels “Muslim community complicity”.

Extremist ideologies have always had a unique selling point. Their absolute certainty is attractive to many, especially in unsettling times; even more so to the vulnerable, the isolated and the disaffected, or those who feel an inchoate resentment about how they perceive certain groups to be treated.

And at the moment, ISIL is by far the most active centre of extremism – both through its mastery of media and through the territories it has conquered where it upholds a gruesome rule of law (if it can be called that). No wonder it is attracting followers – and much more widely than we might want to admit.

The New York Times has just published a powerful account of how a young woman in Washington State was radicalised. A Sunday school teacher who lived in the boondocks with her grandparents, she was groomed online and through Twitter, was sent presents, converted and very nearly went to Syria.

The recruiters identified her loneliness and lack of purpose and exploited her vulnerability ruthlessly. “I actually have brothers and sisters,” she posted one night. “I’m crying”.

That is one example of the appeal ISIL can exert. Another speaks of an uncomfortable truth. And it is that in many countries there are young people who see Muslims targeted by western invasions in the Middle East, suffering in Palestine, and as minorities persecuted in Myanmar and accused of being possible “enemies within” Europe and America.

In ISIL, some of them appear to be able to overlook the barbarity – or worse, see it as truly Islamic – because what they see above all is Muslims fighting back, resisting US firepower and the armies of compromised regimes in Syria and Iraq. They see ISIL as triumphant, harsh but fair according to their laws (indeed, the demands of such a code are part of the attraction), as successful, even cool.

This appeal should not be underestimated. At the recent Asia Pacific Roundtable hosted by my think tank, ISIS Malaysia, in Kuala Lumpur, a chilling example was given by Saifuddin Abdullah, chief executive of the Global Movement of Moderates. This is an initiative of prime minister Najib Tun Razak and it is at the cutting edge of counter-radicalisation work.

Mr Saifuddin and his wife wanted help decorating their house, so they invited round a young interior designer. The daughter of some friends, she was a typical member of the urban, educated classes that have made Malaysia a developmental success story, or so they thought. But when they happened to catch sight of her screensaver, they were horrified to see the black and white logo of ISIL.

Was she about to go and wage jihad? Almost certainly not. But if she even thought it was funny or ironic, that indicates that ISIL has some kind of cachet among her peers. Just as there will be “soft supporters”, there will be smaller numbers who move to “hard support” or are even tempted to participate.

Moderates always find it hard to speak out loudly enough or to emphasise sufficiently that terrorism can never be Islamic.

More should be done to convey how the story of Prophet Mohammed is also one of cooperation between the faiths, of compromise over battle and of constantly seeking peace and justice. A good example is the 2010 fictionalised account of his life, The Silence of Mohammed, by the Algerian writer Salim Bachi, which one cannot read without feeling immense admiration and affection for the Prophet.

In the book, Bachi presciently has him say: “One day, Islam will be as much a stranger as it once was ... They will say false things about my life. They will portray another man whom they will name Mohammed and whom they will brandish when circumstances demand.”

Isn’t that exactly what ISIL is doing?

So standing up – “not countering the narrative, but retelling the real narrative” as Saifuddin Abdullah put it – is more important than ever.

It may be asked why it is the place of someone with such an obviously western name to be so interested in the future of Islam. First, extremism concerns us all, as does the necessity for moderation in all faiths.

Second, it is personal as well. I am the father of two small Muslim boys. And I don’t want them to be even remotely tempted to have ISIL screensavers when they’re old enough to have computers.

Sholto Byrnes is a senior fellow at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies, Malaysia

Source: http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/retell-the-narrative-of-islam-to-attack-isils-core#full

ISIL’s Strategy Is Not Religious – It’s All Politics





By Faisal Al Yafai

June 29, 2015

The bodies have been buried and the mourners have gone home to deal with their grief. In Kuwait and in Tunisia, as in Britain, in Germany and in Belgium, families will be contemplating lives that suddenly seem less bright.

What exactly does ISIL hope to achieve through these attacks? The question might seem strange, as if seeking a veneer of reason over acts of barbarism. Yet there is a grim logic to ISIL's brutal strategy. They are not random, nor are they especially driven by religious hatred.

The militant group considers most of the world to be “Kuffar” – literally non-Muslims, but in ISIL's view a vast category, into which it lumps not merely Christians, Jews and Shia Muslims, but also all the shades of religious devotion among Sunni Muslims, who must conform precisely to ISIL's bizarre interpretations and whims, or face cruel punishments and death.

The sectarian language used to incite and justify attacks on this group is actually part of a tried and tested strategy to divide and rule. As it worked in Iraq, so ISIL hopes it will also work in Tunisia and Kuwait.

ISIL's strategy is deeper, more long-term and more provocative than it appears. The militant group wants to split communities and impoverish countries, because divided communities are easier to rule and impoverished countries provide easy recruits.

Start in Tunisia. The gunman Seifeddine Rezgui, already claimed by ISIL, did not launch his attack suddenly. Eye witnesses described him walking calmly up the beach, choosing his victims. Both the venue and the holiday-makers were carefully chosen. If Rezgui simply wished to cause carnage, why not open fire immediately on the beach?

Instead, by targeting European-looking tourists, ISIL's gunman sought to strike at Tunisia's economy.

Foreign tourists make up a significant part of the country's tourism sector, itself one of the most significant sectors of the economy. More importantly, tourism is a soft target. Unlike, for example, mining or manufacturing (two other vital economic sectors in Tunisia), tourism is easily debilitated. For the same reason, militants targeted the capital's Bardo Museum in March.

By going after the economy, ISIL hopes to weaken Tunisia's government. A country that struggles to provide work for its citizens is one that will also offer a significant pool of disenfranchised young men; men who are unable to find work, to start their lives and to put down roots in society. It is from among these men that ISIL will find its most willing recruits.

ISIL's attack in Kuwait also has a grim logic to it. ISIL hope to divide Kuwait. By making Kuwaiti Shia feel under threat, they hope to provoke the community into a reaction against the majority Sunni – a reaction that ISIL can then say demonstrates that the Sunnis are under threat and need to be defended. From their beginnings in Iraq, ISIL have sought to portray themselves as defenders of the Sunnis.

That strategy was particularly fertile in Iraq, not because of religious rivalry, but because of politics. By playing one sect against the other – in the context of sectarian policies from Iraq's government – ISIL created a space for themselves. They divided and ruled communities by posing as defenders.

For ISIL, sectarian identities are easily manipulated. One of the reasons the militants of ISIL so dislike the borders of nation states – one of their first acts a year ago after declaring a new "caliphate" was to claim they had destroyed the borders of Sykes-Picot – is that these borders offer an alternative allegiance for disaffected Iraqis and Syrians.

Though they frame their antipathy in the language of anti-colonialism and Islamic history, it is a rather more mundane psychological idea that guides their strategy.

If young men have more allegiance to their so-called "caliphate" and their leader than to home, family or country, they will be easier to manipulate. ISIL doesn't merely appear to be a cult, it also operates like one.

All of which makes it all the more necessary that the idea of the nation state is reinforced. In Kuwait, the emir Sheikh Sabah said the attack had targeted “national unity” and declared a day of mourning.

That sort of language is essential, for Kuwaitis are not mourning a religious sect but their fellow citizens.

The gunman in Sousse and the suicide bomber in Kuwait City were not targeting merely bodies. They were seeking to strike at the very idea of nation states.

Both communities and governments must recognise that, and affirm that a divide and rule strategy cannot succeed when those targeted realise they have more that unites them than divides them.

Source: http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/isils-strategy-is-not-religious--its-all-politics

Saudi, Iran and the Islamic Divide




By Talmiz Ahmad

Jul 01, 2015

Over the last year and-a-half, Iran and the P5+1 have steadily reached various milestones in their negotiations on the nuclear issue. After the announcement of the framework agreement in April this year, the two sides are now embarked on the endgame, with the final agreement likely in July.

Both Israel and Saudi Arabia view the emerging US rapprochement with Iran with the greatest alarm, clearly indicating that their primary concern has not been Iran’s nuclear weapons’ capability as much as the fear of Iran’s enhanced role in regional affairs commensurate with its geopolitical, energy and economic resources.

From the Saudi perspective, the US’ engagement with Iran is taking place in the midst of a series of crises generated by the Arab Spring, which threaten Saudi interests. Thus, there is increasing Iranian influence in Iraq where newly-empowered Shia militia, supported by Iranian forces, are leading the fight against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

In Syria, after four years of fighting, rebel forces backed by Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey have failed to dislodge President Bashar al-Assad, who enjoys substantial Iranian military and financial assistance, while the ISIS maintains its hostility to the kingdom and continues to attract supporters from across the world, including Saudi Arabia. It took credit for the large-scale killing of Shias in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, followed recently by four gory attacks on the same day in Kuwait, Syria, Tunisia and France to commemorate its first anniversary.

Saudi Arabia is also engaged in combat at its southern border, in Yemen. Here the Houthis, a militia from north Yemen’s Zaydi community, which had deep-seated grievances with former President Ali Abdullah Saleh (who had excluded it from any share in the country’s economic resources or political power), took advantage of his weak successor to launch an attack on the capital, Sanaa, in September 2013, and soon spread across the country. Here again the Saudis have seen the hidden hand of Iran: in Saudi’s view, the “Shia Crescent” is now an effective noose around it. In response, Saudi Arabia has put together an Arab (Sunni) coalition and from March 2015 initiated air assaults upon Houthi targets across Yemen. So far over 3,000 air attacks have taken place in which several hundred people have been killed.

The complex regional scenario and the increasing challenges perceived by Saudi Arabia have led the kingdom to pursue some unprecedented engagements of its own. Both Israel and Saudi Arabia have been making every effort to discredit the US governments’ interactions with Iran among US policymakers, so much so that the negotiations have become a major issue in the US’ deeply divided domestic politics. Very public “Track II” interactions have also been taking place between Saudi and Israeli interlocutors, primarily to convey the two countries’ frustration with American policies in West Asia to anti-Obama groups in the US.

The other Saudi initiative is equally extraordinary: not able to convince the US to get into the Syrian conflict militarily and having failed to unseat the Assad regime so far, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey have together set up a new rebel force in Syria, Jaish al-Fatah (Army of Conquest), which has brought together the Al Qaeda-affiliated Jabhat al-Nusra and a number of other Salafi militia.

This new Jihadi group took the provincial capital Idlib in March 2015, the second provincial capital to fall in the four-year campaign after Raqqa in 2013. However, efforts to re-brand Jabhat al-Nusra as “moderate” have not been successful. In early June 2015, its cadres killed 20 Druze villagers in Idlib province, and the organisation has still not disavowed its links with Al Qaeda.

Another policy change is the Saudis’ more accommodative posture towards the Muslim Brotherhood, which the kingdom had declared a terrorist group in March 2014. Saudi officials first made conciliatory remarks about the Brotherhood in February 2015, while shaping a Sunni coalition against the Houthis in Yemen. They hope that when a political process emerges in that country, they can promote the Islamist Islah Party. Compulsions in Syria favour this accommodative approach since the Syrian Brotherhood is close to Qatar and Turkey, hostile to

Mr Assad and is a viable political force in the country. However, these overtures to the Brotherhood have come at a price: they have upset General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo, the protégé of the Gulf Cooperation Council, with the general being concerned about the rehabilitation of Islamists in Syria and possibly Yemen by his Gulf allies.

Another emerging game changer in West Asia is the recent general election in Turkey, where Recep Tayyip Erdogan has emerged with just 40 per cent of the vote. Most Arab commentators now wonder about the future of the Sunni coalition put together by Saudi Arabia and, specifically, the resilience of the rebel effort in Syria, now largely led by Jihadi forces. Some have also spoken approvingly of the opportunity now available to the Kurds to realise their nationhood.

Across West Asia, there is a sense of deep distress at the pervasive chaos, violence and destruction, and pessimism about the future. Not only are states like Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Libya in the throes of civil conflict and anarchy and unlikely to be put together again, the ISIS continues to prosper, with a presence in a dozen states and increasing declarations of support from several other Jihadi groups in South and West Asia and North Africa.

Given the horrendous implications this scenario has for regional and global security and well-being, it is important for new players, such as India and China, with deep and abiding interest in the stability of West Asia, to pursue a diplomatic initiative to shape a platform for engagement between the estranged Islamic giants, Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Talmiz Ahmad is a former diplomat

Source: http://www.asianage.com/columnists/saudi-iran-and-islamic-divide-616

Will Turkey Really Occupy Northern Syria Now?





By Mustafa Akyol

July/01/2015

One thing President Tayyip Erdoğan is good at is forcefully declaring what he will “not allow” – either in Turkey or its region. He did the same thing a couple of days ago regarding Syria. He vowed: “We will never allow the establishment of a state in Syria’s north and our south. We will continue our fight in this regard no matter what it costs.”

In this particular speech, Erdoğan did not specify who would establish those states within Syria, but many perceived it as “the Kurds.” More precisely, it was the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the armed Syrian Kurdish party that is in line with Turkey’s own “terrorist” group, the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). But Erdoğan had, and still has, a problem: the same PYD is seen in the West as a key ally against another party that seeks the “establishment of a state” in Turkey’s south, which is none other than the notorious Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).

Does this mean that Erdoğan’s Turkey is on the same side with ISIL against the Syrian Kurds? There are many who readily say “yes” to this question these days, but I think they are wrong. They are also dead wrong to condemn Turkey as a “terrorist” state, assuming that it supports ISIL.

Because, no, Turkey does not support ISIL, and there is no evidence to believe so. The parties that Ankara does clearly support in the Syrian war are the relatively more “moderate” Islamist rebels, who have lately united under the umbrella, “The Army of Conquest.” These groups are not ISIL, they are rather at war with ISIL, along with the Bashar al-Assad regime. The controversial trucks that were operated by the Turkish intelligence and that apparently carried weapons to Syria were most probably going to these rebels, and not ISIL, despite the heated claims by Turkish opposition. (Take a note: In Turkey, counter-factual propaganda comes both from the government and its enemies.)

Yet still, there is a big gap between the positions of Ankara and the West vis-à-vis Syria. For the latter, the only problem now is ISIL. For Ankara, it is the al-Assad regime, the PYD and ISIL. (And probably in that order.) The reason for the concern with the PYD is Ankara’s decades-old quintessential fear: A Kurdistan on the other side of the border could trigger a Kurdistan on this side of the border.

In fact, it was Erdoğan and his AKP who had overcome this Kurdistan-o-phobia in Iraq, by making friends with the KRG led by Masoud Barzani. But in Syria, the PYD is a left-wing, secular and pro-PKK movement; in other words everything that the government despises now with regards to Turkey’s own political scene.

Anyway, let’s come back to the real question: Will Turkey really occupy northern Syria now? Here is my simple answer: No. As the recent past proves, Ankara barks more than it bites. The “invasion plans” published in the pro-government media with fanfare are not realistic, and the Turkish military is never that adventurous. I think all this talk is more of a bluff rather than a real plan to occupy large swaths of northern Syria, and to get into war both against ISIL and the PYD, if not perhaps even the regime.

But there is a real burning issue for Turkey, and Ankara can really do something militarily about it: the refugees. There are already 2 million Syrian refugees in Turkey (who are well taken care of), and more are coming. Ankara is keen to establish “safe havens” in Syria, to protect civilians, as Erdoğan’s spokesman İbrahim Kalın explained yesterday. Turkey can take limited military action to establish such safe heavens, but even that would only happen with international backing.

Source: http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/will-turkey-really-occupy-northern-syria-now.aspx?pageID=449&nID=84781&NewsCatID=411

Introduction: The Irony of History تعارف:المیہ تاریخ







ڈاکٹر مبارک علی
تعارف
سرسید احمد خا ن، جوسرسید کے نام سے مشہور ہیں، اپنے عہد کی اہم شخصیت تھے جن کے خیالات و افکار نے نہ صرف ان کےاپنے زمانے کو متاثر کیا بلکہ چل کر انہوں نے آنے والی نسلوں کے شعور کی تعمیر میں بھی حصہ لیا۔
سر سید کے نظریات و افکار مسلمانوں کے نئے تعلیم یافتہ ابھرتے ہوئے زمینداروں اورجاگیرداروں کےطبقے کے لئے انتہائی سود مند تھے اس لئے انہوں نے بہت سرسید اور شخصیت کے گرد عظمت و بزرگی کاحصار کھینچا اور ان کی ذات و شخصیت کو مقدس بنا دیا ہمارے ہاں اب تک سرسید کی شخصیت اور ان کے سیاسی ، سماجی و تعلیمی افکار کا مطالعہ بنے بنائے خاکے کے تحت کیا جاتا ہے اور اس سےہٹ کر اس کاتجزیہ کرنے کی بہت کم کوشش کی گئی ہیں۔
ضرورت اس بات کی ہے کہ سرسید کی شخصیت اور افکار کو جدید تحقیق کی روشنی میں دیکھا اور پرکھا جائے اور اس بات کا تجزیہ کیا جائے کہ سرسید نے ہمیں کیا مثبت چیزیں دیں اورکیا منفی ۔ اور ان کے منفی نظریات کاہماری نسل پر کیا اثر پڑا۔
سرسید کے بارے میں ہمارےہاں پہلی غلط فہمی یہ پائی جاتی ہے کہ انہوں نے 1857 ء کےہنگامےکےبعد ‘‘رسالہ اسباب بغاوت ہند’’ لکھ کر بڑی جرات وہمت کا ثبو دیا۔ لیکن واقعات کا تجزیہ ایک دوسری تصویر پیش کرتا ہے۔
1857ء تک ہندوستان میں ایسٹ انڈیا کمپنی کااقتدار رہا انگلستان میں پارلیمنٹ کمپنی کے اقتدار کو پسند نہیں کرتی تھی اور اس کوشش میں تھی کہ کس طرح کمپنی کے اقتدار کو ختم کر کے براہ راست پارلیمنٹ کے اقتدار کو ہندوستان میں قائم کرے اس سلسلے میں پارلیمنٹ نے مختلف اوقات میں اپنے اثر کو بڑھانے کےلئے مختلف طریقوں سے کمپنی کے معاملات میں دخل دیا۔ جب 1857ء کاہنگامہ پیش آیا تو پارلیمنٹ کو اس بات کاموقع مل گیا کہ وہ یہ ثابت کرے کہ ہندوستان میں کمپنی کی حکومت ناکام ہوچکی ہے اس لئے ہندوستان سے کمپنی کی حکومت ختم کر کے ملک کو براہ راست پارلیمنٹ اور ملکہ برطانیہ کے تحت لایا جائے ۔
اس موقع پر سرسید کا رسالہ اسباب بغاوت ہند، پارلیمنٹ کےلئے ایک بہترین دستاویزی ثبو ت ثابت ہوا، جس میں کمپنی کی پالیسیوں پر تنقید کی گئی اور 1875ء کے ہنگامے کاذمہ دار انہیں کو قرار دیا گیا اس لئے یہ رسالہ ممبران پارلیمنٹ کےلئے جو کمپنی کے خَلاف تھے ایک نعمت سے کم نہ تھا جس کے ذریعے انہوں نے کمپنی کی حکومت کے خلاف دلائل دیئے اس کا نتیجہ یہ ہواکہ ہندستان سےکمپنی کا اقتدار ختم ہوا اور یہاں پر پارلیمنٹ اور تاج برطانیہ کی حکومت قائم ہوئی اس پس منظر میں اس بات کو مسترد کیا جاسکتا کہ یہ رسالہ سر سید سے لکھوا یا گیا، کیونکہ فوراً اس کا انگریزی ترجمہ ہوا اور اس کی کاپیاں ممبران پارلیمنٹ میں تقسیم ہوئیں اور وہاں اس کا پر جوش خیر مقدم ہوا۔
سرسید کے بارےمیں دوسری بات یہ کہی جاتی ہے کہ انہوں نے مسلمانوں کوذلت و پستی سےنکالا اور ان میں تعلیم عام کی ان کے اس کارنامے کو بھی مبالغے کےساتھ پیش کیا جاتا ہے دراصل مسلمانوں کو پستی کا تصور ڈبلیو ہنٹر کی کتاب ‘‘ہمارے ہندستانی مسلمان’’ نے دیااس میں بنگال کے مسلمانوں کی پستی اور جہالت کاذکر ہے لیکن بعدمیں اس کو یورپی کے مسلمانوں پر لاگو کردیا ۔ جبکہ یوپی کے مسلمان پورے ہندوستان میں سب سے زیادہ تعلیم یافتہ اور معاشی طور پر خوشحال تھے اور تعلیم کےمیدان میں ہندوؤں سےبھی آگے تھے یہی حال سرکار ی ملازمتوں کا تھا ۔ میں ان کا تناسب ہندوؤں سےزیادہ تھا ایس ایم جین کے حکومت کے ریکارڈ نے یہ ثابت کردیا کہ 1871ء سے 1884 ء تک مسلمانوں نے ہندوؤں سے زیادہ تعلیم کا فائدہ اٹھایا ۔ اور ان کی تعداد پرائیویٹ سکنڈری اسکول میں زیادہ تھی ۔(1)
سرسید کے بارے میں تیسری بات یہ کہی جاتی ہے کہ انہوں نے مسلمانوں میں انگریزی تعلیم پھیلائی ۔ اس میں مبالغے سےکام لیا گیا ہے کیونکہ سرسید سےبہت پہلے مسلمانوں میں انگریزی تعلیم یافتہ طبقہ پیدا ہوچکاتھا اور مسلمان طلبہ حکومت کے قائم کردہ اسکولوں میں انگریزی تعلیم حاصل کررہے تھے ۔ چنانچہ سرسید کے قائم کردہ اینگلو محمڈن کالج نے اپنے ابتدائی عہد میں مسلمانوں کی تعلیم میں کوئی زیادہ حصہ نہیں لیا ۔ مثلاً 1882ء سے 1902 ء تک ایم ۔ اور ۔کالج سے 220 مسلمان گریجویٹ نکلے جب کہ الہ آباد یونیورسٹی نے اس دور میں 410 مسلمان گریجویٹ پیدا کئے ۔(2)
اس لئے سرسید کی مخالفت ان کے تعلیمی نظریات کی وجہ سےنہیں ہوئی یہ مخالفت ان کے مذہبی خیالات کی وجہ سے تھی ۔ ورنہ مسلمان زمینداروں اور امراء کا طبقہ انگریزی تعلیم حاصل کررہا تھا اور کمپنی کے ابتدائی دور سے ، مسلمان علماء تک انگریزی ملازمتوں میں آچکے تھے ۔
سر سید کے اصلاحی پروگرام میں شہر کے رہنےوالے زمیندار اور جاگیردار تھے وہ اس طبقے کومسلمانوں کے نمائندہ طبقے کی حیثیت سےآگے لاناچاہتے تھے۔ اسی لئے جن ہندوستان میں سیاسی تبدیلیاں آئیں اور جدید تعلیم نےجمہوری اقدار کو فروغ دیا تو سرسید نے اسے مسلمان امراء کے طبقے کے مفاد کے خلاف سمجھا اور جمہوریت کی سخت مخالفت کی، انہوں نے مسلمانوں کوخبردار کیا کہ وہ مغربی طریقہ نمائندگی اختیار نہ کریں کیونکہ اس طریقے میں مسلمان جو اقلیت میں ہیں اپنے حقوق سے محروم ہوجائیں گے ۔ جمہوریت کی مخالفت اس وقت مسلمان امراء کےمفاد میں تھی لیکن یہ تاثر دیا گیا کہ یہ تمام مسلمان قوم کےخلاف ہے اور جمہوریت کے قیام سےیہ ہمیشہ جاہل رہیں گے او رانہیں معاشرے میں باعزت مقام نہیں ملے گا ۔ کیونکہ وہ اس طرح ہندوؤں کے غلام ہوکر مستقل اقلیت میں تبدیل ہوکر ختم ہوجائیں گے ۔ اس لئےانہوں نے جداگانہ انتخاب اور کوٹہ سسٹم کا مطالبہ کیا جس سے اس طبقے کوفائدہ ہوالیکن ہندوستان کے مسلمان عوام ان فوائد سےمحروم رہے ۔
فکر اقبال کی بنیادوں میں اس تجزیہ کیا گیا کہ اقبال نے اپنی فکر کی راہیں کس طرح متعین کیں بد قسمتی سےیہ افکار مسلمان معاشرے کی تشکیل میں کوئی مثبت کردار ادا نہیں کرسکے اقبال کی شاعری اور افکار پر یہ مطالعہ بہت مختصر اور احتیاط سےلکھا گیا ہے شاید یہ ہمارے سوچنے کی راہوں کومزید وسیع کرسکے ۔
حوالہ جات:
1- S.M.Jain: The Aligarh Movements, Its Origin and Development, 1858-1906
2- Paul R.Brass: Langugae, Religion and Politics in North India Cambridge 1947 p.p 165-166