From Ocean to Ice: How Wahhabism Freezes the Quran’s Living Meaning

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 The Quran has for over fourteen centuries been approached as a boundless ocean of meaning—a divine address whose depths could be plumbed by successive generations, each discovering new wisdom relevant to its time. It has served as the foundational source of spiritual guidance, ethical vision, legal principle, and intellectual inspiration for a global civilization. The text itself claims to be a guidance for all people (2:185) and a mercy to all the worlds (21:107), implying a message whose relevance transcends the historical moment of its revelation. However, a powerful and globally influential hermeneutical movement, rooted in the 18th-century teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792), seeks to fundamentally alter this dynamic relationship. It attempts to freeze the Quran in time, chaining its meaning to a single, bygone era. This Wahhabi-Salafi tradition posits a stark and uncompromising criterion for authentic Quranic interpretation (Tafsir): an exclusive and literalist adherence to the perceived understanding of the Salaf al-Salih, the "Pious Predecessors," a group narrowly defined as the first three generations of Muslims. From this rigid standpoint, all subsequent interpretive developments—whether born of reason (‘Aql), philosophy (Falsafa), systematic theology (Kalam), or engagement with evolving human contexts—are summarily dismissed as illegitimate innovation (Bid’ah) and dangerous deviation. This restrictive hermeneutic, brandishing a claim to exclusive purity, presents itself as the sole guardian of Islamic authenticity. This paper argues, from an enlightened and liberative perspective, that this temporal restriction is a deeply flawed and damaging construct. It is built upon a historical mirage, stands in stark contradiction to the Quran's own internal directives, and fosters an intellectual environment profoundly hostile to critical thought and scientific inquiry. This paper will demonstrate that the Wahhabi temporal restriction on tafsir is not a faithful return to pristine origins but a historically late, authoritarian innovation. It functions as an ideological tool of intellectual foreclosure, stifling the Quran's dynamic, liberative, and intellectually stimulating potential. To substantiate this critique, this analysis will proceed in three parts: first, a deconstruction of the historical fallacy of a monolithic "Salafi" understanding; second, an examination of the Quran's own mandate for perpetual inquiry and reason; and third, an analysis of the stultifying impact of this hermeneutic on scientific and intellectual development. Deconstructing the Myth of a Golden Age Consensus The entire edifice of Wahhabi-Salafi hermeneutics rests upon a single, foundational premise: the existence of a singular, unified, and complete understanding of the Quran among the Salaf al-Salih. This premise is the linchpin of their claim to authority. If this pristine, monolithic understanding existed, their project of "purification" could be seen as legitimate. If it did not, their entire framework collapses into an exercise in selective appropriation and historical fiction. A meticulous examination of Islamic intellectual history overwhelmingly confirms that the latter is the case. The claim of a single "understanding of the Salaf" is a historical anachronism, a retroactive projection of a desired uniformity onto a past that was, in reality, defined by vibrant diversity and debate. The Companions of the Prophet, the very first generation, did not interpret the Quran in a uniform manner. The celebrated exegete ‘Abdullah ibn Abbas (d. 687 CE) was known for his linguistic depth and contextual reasoning, while ‘Abdullah ibn Mas'ud (d. 653 CE) championed a more cautious, tradition-focused approach. These were not minor stylistic differences but foundational methodological divergences within the Prophet's own inner circle. This diversity only intensified in the subsequent generations. The nascent schools of Islamic law (fiqh) that emerged in regional centres like Kufa, Medina, and Basra were built on distinct hermeneutical principles. The school of Kufa, which would give rise to the Hanafi madhhab, championed the use of analogical reasoning (qiyas) and juristic preference (istihsan), reflecting a greater confidence in reasoned opinion to adapt the law to new urban contexts. In contrast, the school of Medina, the foundation of the Maliki madhhab, placed immense weight on the "lived practice" (‘amal) of the people of Medina, viewing it as a living embodiment of the Sunnah. As the Joseph Schacht documented, these early schools represented fundamentally different "juristic theories" and approaches to the scriptural sources, long before they were formalized under their eponyms (Schacht, p.15-28). The very existence of these competing legal methodologies within the Salafi period is irrefutable proof against the notion of a single "Salafi" way. Theological debates were just as fierce and foundational. The first major theological schism in Islam, between the Qadarites (who championed human free will) and the Jabrites (who insisted on absolute predestination), was entirely a product of the Salafi era. These groups furiously debated the meaning of Quranic verses, with Qadarites pointing to verses like 18:29 ("The truth is from your Lord, so whoever wills - let him believe; and whoever wills - let him disbelieve") and Jabrites citing verses like 57:22 ("No disaster strikes upon the earth or among yourselves except that it is in a register before We bring it into being"). As the historian W. Montgomery Watt detailed in his seminal work, these were core theological controversies that demonstrate that the "correct" interpretation of the Quran's stance on divine omnipotence and human agency was a subject of intense and unresolved debate within the very generations the Wahhabis claim to emulate (Watt, p.34-48). The later emergence of the Mu'tazilite school, with its five principles rooted in reason and justice, was a continuation and systematization of these early rationalist trends. To claim a unified Salafi theology is to deliberately ignore this vibrant, contested intellectual landscape. Why Islamic Thought Had to Evolve The Wahhabi hermeneutic not only misrepresents the diversity of the Salafi era but also fails to grasp a fundamental historical reality: intellectual traditions must evolve to survive. The Muslim community's rapid expansion out of the Arabian Peninsula brought it into direct contact with the sophisticated civilizations of Persia, Byzantium, and India. It encountered new peoples, new social structures, and, most critically, new intellectual traditions, particularly the vast corpus of Greek philosophy and science. To remain relevant and intellectually coherent, Islamic thought had to develop new tools and frameworks. The dismissal of all post-Salafi intellectual development as bid‘ah is thus a rejection of the very mechanisms that allowed Islamic civilization to flourish. This necessary development occurred across several key fields. The sciences of Arabic grammar and rhetoric, perfected by post-Salafi scholars, enabled a far more sophisticated analysis of the Quran's literary structure, culminating in the masterful commentary of al-Zamakhshari (d. 1144 CE), Al-Kashshaf, which utilized advanced linguistics to unpack meanings inaccessible to earlier generations (Gilliot, p.104-107). Systematic theology (Kalam) was developed by figures like Abu al-Hasan al-Ash'ari (d. 936 CE) and Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (d. 944 CE) as a rational defence of Islamic tenets against Hellenistic philosophical challenges. Their use of logic and dialectic was deemed essential for preserving the faith in a complex intellectual environment (Frank, p.12-18). Simultaneously, the encounter with Greek philosophy sparked one of the most intellectually fertile periods in human history. Muslim philosophers (falasifa) like Ibn Sina (Avicenna, d. 1037 CE) and Ibn Rushd (Averroes, d. 1198 CE) saw philosophy as a universal language of reason that could illuminate the truths of revelation. Their profound works integrated Aristotelian and Neoplatonic thought with Quranic principles, viewing the Quranic call to reflect on creation (e.g., 41:53) as a divine mandate for scientific inquiry. The mystical tradition of Sufism, with luminaries like Ibn Arabi (d. 1240 CE), explored the Quran’s esoteric dimensions (Batin), enriching the Islamic tradition immeasurably. As Seyyed Hossein Nasr argues, these philosophical and mystical traditions represent the intellectual and spiritual pinnacle of Islamic civilization (Nasr, p. 65-80). To dismiss this entire repository of wisdom as heretical innovation, as Wahhabism does, is to perform an act of radical intellectual amputation upon the body of Islamic thought. The Innovators Who Cried Innovation The final and most profound irony is that the Wahhabi insistence on exclusive Salafi authority is itself a historically late and novel development. It is not a "return" to a pristine past but a radical break from the broad, diverse, and evolving interpretive tradition that characterized mainstream Islam for over a millennium. As the legal scholar Khaled Abou El Fadl has powerfully argued, the modern "Salafi" claim functions primarily as an authoritarian discourse. By creating a fictional, monolithic "Salaf" and claiming to be their sole authentic representatives, this discourse empowers its proponents to silence all dissent. Any interpretation that deviates from their own is not merely incorrect; it is a heretical innovation that places its advocate outside the bounds of "true Islam" (Abou El Fadl, p.28-32). Therefore, the temporal restriction at the heart of Wahhabism is not the preservation of an ancient tradition, but a modern hermeneutical imposition designed to secure ideological hegemony. It is an innovation that masquerades as anti-innovation. The Quran's Mandate for Perpetual Inquiry Having established the historical fallacy of the Wahhabi premise, the critique must now turn to the primary source itself: The Quran. A close reading of the text reveals that it provides no basis whatsoever for confining its authoritative interpretation to a specific historical period. On the contrary, its verses, structure, and thematic emphasis actively encourage a perpetual, dynamic, and intellectually rigorous engagement applicable to every generation. The Quran's own internal logic militates against the very restrictions Wahhabism seeks to impose upon it. The Quran makes an unequivocal claim to universal and timeless relevance. It repeatedly describes itself as a guidance for all of humanity (2:185), a reminder for all the worlds (81:27), and a message sent to all people without exception (34:28). This claim to universality is fundamentally incompatible with a hermeneutic that freezes its authoritative meaning in the 7th-9th centuries. If the Quran is to be a living source of guidance for a person facing the challenges of globalization, digital ethics, and pluralistic societies, its principles must be accessible and applicable in that context. To argue that the definitive understanding of its verses on justice, governance, or the natural world was sealed over a thousand years ago is to render its claim to timeless guidance hollow. The divine address is open-ended. When the Quran asks, "Then will they not reflect upon the Qur'an, or are there locks upon their hearts?" (47:24), the question is posed in the present tense, directed at every reader in every age. The Divine Command to Reason Perhaps the most direct Quranic repudiation of a purely transmission-based, anti-rational hermeneutic is its relentless and emphatic command for believers to use their intellectual faculties. The Quran is saturated with calls to reason, reflect, contemplate, observe, and learn. The root ‘a-q-l, from which the word for intellect (‘aql) derives, appears 49 times, almost always in the form of a rhetorical question challenging the audience, "Will you not then reason?". The command to "reflect deeply" or "ponder over" the Quran (tadabbur) is a direct injunction for active, investigative engagement (4:82, 47:24). The Quran reserves its highest praise for the Ulu Al-Albab, "people of deep understanding" or "possessors of intellect." This esteemed group is defined in one of the scripture’s most powerful passages, 3:190-191: "Indeed, in the creation of the heavens and the earth and the alternation of the night and the day are signs for those of understanding (Ulu Al-Albab), who remember Allah standing, sitting, and on their sides, and contemplate (yatafakkarun) the creation of the heavens and the earth..." This passage inextricably links piety, remembrance of God, and the active, scientific contemplation of the natural world. The Wahhabi hermeneutic, by prioritizing transmitted reports (naql) to the point of marginalizing and suspecting reason (‘aql), stands in direct violation of this overwhelming Quranic evidence. It effectively discourages the very faculties that the Quran insists are essential for true faith. The Spirit over the Letter: Principles as a Guide A humanistic and liberative reading of the Quran recognizes that its guidance functions primarily through broad ethical principles, not just a static list of detailed regulations. The Quran’s enduring power lies in its articulation of timeless moral and ethical objectives (Maqasid). The command to uphold justice (‘Adl) is one of the most powerful and recurrent themes: "Be just; that is nearer to righteousness" (5:8). Justice is a dynamic principle that requires constant re-evaluation and application in new contexts. Similarly, principles of mercy (Rahmah) (21:107) and wisdom (Hikmah) (2:269) must guide the interpretation and application of its specific verses. The great Islamic scholar Fazlur Rahman proposed a "double movement" hermeneutic that perfectly captures this dynamic. He argued that the interpreter must first move from the present to the past to understand the specific historical context and socio-moral problem to which a Quranic verse was responding. Then, one must distil the general principle from that specific ruling and embody that principle in a new, concrete ruling that is appropriate for the contemporary context (Rahman, p.7-12). This methodology is intellectually rigorous, faithful to the text's spirit, and inherently anti-literalist. It is a process of ongoing ijtihad (independent reasoning) that Wahhabi restrictionism expressly forbids, thereby disabling the Quran's ability to provide living guidance. The Price of Closure: Intellectual Stagnation and Scientific Decline The consequences of this hermeneutical freeze extend far beyond the realm of theology and law. They have had a devastating and demonstrable impact on the intellectual vitality and scientific capacity of the societies where this ideology holds sway. A hermeneutic that is fundamentally suspicious of reason, hostile to philosophy, and insistent upon a single, unchanging interpretation of reality creates an ecosystem that is antithetical to the very spirit of scientific inquiry. By prioritizing transmitted reports (naql) over reason (‘aql) in interpreting texts related to the natural world, the Wahhabi approach discourages independent empirical investigation. Why observe, experiment, or theorize if the "meaning" is fixed solely by early reports? This undermines the Quran's own repeated calls to observe creation (e.g., 88:17-20, 3:190-191). As George Saliba notes, the early Islamic scientific flourishing occurred precisely when Greek rationalism and empirical observation were actively integrated with Quranic inspiration, not suppressed by it (Saliba, p.245-250). The Wahhabi rejection of later intellectual frameworks effectively severed this link. Furthermore, science requires abstract thinking, modelling, and theoretical frameworks. The Wahhabi suspicion of philosophy (Falsafa) deprives the intellectual culture of the tools necessary for advanced scientific theorizing. The legacy of figures like Ibn Rushd, who championed the harmony of revelation and Aristotelian philosophy/science, is marginalized or rejected (Leaman, p.78-82). This creates an intellectual vacuum where methodological naturalism and theoretical speculation are viewed with suspicion. By declaring only one strand of interpretation as valid, Wahhabism also suppresses the intellectual diversity and critical debate essential for scientific progress. As Toby E. Huff has argued, scientific advancement requires a "neutral space for intellectual inquiry" free from charges of heresy, an environment that the authoritarian nature of this hermeneutic makes impossible (Huff, p.73-90). Finally, the restrictive hermeneutic directs intellectual energy away from the Quran’s grand cosmic invitations toward a narrow legalism. Enormous effort is expended on the minutiae of ritual, while the Quran’s hundreds of verses inviting contemplation of the universe (e.g., 51:20-21, 45:3-5) are comparatively ignored. As Mohammed Arkoun argued, this represents a "closure of the Islamic mind," a shrinking of intellectual horizons that diminishes the curiosity and wonder essential for scientific investigation (Arkoun, p.115-118). Reclaiming an Islam of Intellectual Dynamism The Wahhabi-Salafi claim that authentic Quranic interpretation is irrevocably chained to the understandings of the first three centuries of Islam is a temporal tyranny—a self-imposed prison built on a historical fallacy and a Quranic contradiction. Historically, it whitewashes the vibrant diversity and necessary evolution of Islamic thought. Quranically, it tramples upon the text's clear and repeated imperatives for perpetual reflection, the rigorous use of human reason, and the dynamic application of its universal principles. The most tragic consequence of this intellectual foreclosure is the crippling effect it has had on scientific and intellectual development. By devaluing reason, suppressing diversity, and misdirecting intellectual energy, the Wahhabi hermeneutic creates an environment profoundly hostile to the spirit of scientific exploration that the Quran itself encourages. An Islamic humanistic and enlightened hermeneutics for the 21st century must decisively reject this temporal tyranny. It must answer the Quran's call to become "people of understanding" by embracing ongoing reflection on both the Book of God and the Book of Nature. It must affirm the God-given dignity of human reason and reclaim the full, diverse intellectual heritage of Islam—from its legal giants and theologians to its philosophers and scientists—not as deviations, but as legitimate responses to the Quran's enduring challenge. Only by unchaining the divine word from the prison of a fabricated past can the Quran fulfil its true role as a source of guidance that liberates the human intellect, inspires awe and curiosity, and fosters a culture conducive to knowledge, justice, and progress in all fields of human endeavour. Bibliography Abou El Fadl, Khaled. Speaking in God's Name: Islamic Law, Authority and Women. London: Oneworld Publications, 2001. Arkoun, Mohammed. The Unthought in Contemporary Islamic Thought. London: Saqi Books, 2002. Frank, Richard M. Al-Ghazālī and the Ashʿarite School. Durham: Duke University Press, 1994. Gilliot, Claude. "Exegesis of the Qurʾān: Classical and Medieval." Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, edited by Jane Dammen McAuliffe, vol. 2, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 99-124. Huff, Toby E. The Rise of Early Modern Science: Islam, China, and the West. 3rd ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Leaman, Oliver. Averroes and His Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. Islamic Philosophy from Its Origin to the Present: Philosophy in the Land of Prophecy. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006. Rahman, Fazlur. Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. Saliba, George. Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007. Schacht, Joseph. The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950. Watt, W. Montgomery. The Formative Period of Islamic Thought. London: Oneworld Publications, 1998. ----- V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/debating-islam/ocean-ice-wahhabism-quran-living-meaning/d/137091 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Muslims Have No Monopoly On Muhammad (PBUH) — And Why Claiming One Harms Us All: A Theological And Historical Reminder!

By Ghulam Rasool Dehlvi, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 The ethical way forward is peaceful scholarship, service and responsible leadership: True love for the holy Prophet (pbuh) is shown through humility, lawful conduct, interfaith respect, social welfare and media responsibility — not street power or viral outrage. Main Points: 1. Love for the Prophet (pbuh) cannot be monopolised by any group or sect: The recent “I Love Muhammad” campaign, especially in Bareilly, shows how spiritual devotion gets distorted when claimed as the exclusive property of a particular sect, cleric or political faction. 2. Politicising prophetic devotion leads to violence, repression and communal backlash: When slogans of love turn into street mobilisation and confrontation, they shift from spirituality to identity politics — resulting in FIRs, arrests, state crackdowns and negative media portrayal. 3. History and theology show that prophetic reverence has many peaceful expressions: Across Islamic history, devotion was expressed through poetry, service, scholarship and compassion — not coercive demonstrations. No cult or group owns the holy Prophet’s message. 4. Monopoly over devotion harms Muslims internally and externally: It fractures intra-Muslim unity, empowers state surveillance and fuels public mistrust — pushing Muslims further into isolation and suspicion. ----- In an earlier article at this portal nearly a month ago, this writer had reminded with a caution: "Literalist/fundamentalist groups such as the Ahl-e-Hadis, Salafis and Deobandis, as well as certain sections of the Barelwis—particularly those influenced by Pakistan-based movements such as Tahrik-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and Dawat-e-Islami Pakistan—have, at times, displayed intolerant or exclusionary behaviours”. The recent “I Love Muhammad PBUH” movement across the nation and the subsequent arrest of noted Barelwi cleric Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan — followed by clashes, mass FIRs and widespread detentions — was anticipated in the context of what was warned of. Now it should force a difficult but necessary conversation inside Muslim community across sects and denominations: love for the holy Prophet (pbuh) is not, and must not become, a monopoly of any one group, cult, political actor, or method of protest. What began as a slogan intended to affirm devotion has been rapidly politicised, weaponised on social media, and transformed into a street flashpoint that has done more harm than good. On and after the “I Love Muhammad PBUH” demonstrations, authorities say stone-pelting, vandalism and attacks on security personnel followed; large numbers of people were detained, cases were registered and several leaders, including one of the grandsons of prominent Islamic theologian Aala Hazrat Imam Ahmad Raza Khan Fazil e Barelwi—Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan, were arrested and sent to custody. Police reports and press investigations also allege that organised online mobilisation and an “online toolkit” helped spread calls to gather. At the same time, the current Barelwi leadership and family members of Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan have complained of heavy-handed policing and “police excesses.” Now this should alarm the Indian Muslims who genuinely love the holy Prophet (pbuh). Love for Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) is central to the life of Muslims everywhere. Yet these recent events surrounding the “I Love Muhammad” campaign in Uttar Pradesh — which culminated in violent clashes in Bareilly, mass FIRs, and the arrest of Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan and numerous followers — force an urgent question: can any group legitimately monopolise a Prophet whose life and message were addressed to the whole of humanity? These events clearly show how prophetic devotion, when mixed with spectacle, coercion, or partisan mobilization, becomes a hazard to both religious dignity and public peace. Three key phenomena have emerged from this scenario: Shrinking the Prophet to a political emblem. Devotion to the Prophet (pbuh) is a spiritual reality that transcends politics, religious sects and sectarian schools. When a slogan such as “I Love Muhammad” is commandeered by a political actor or used as a rallying cry for a mobilised crowd, it shifts the conversation from spiritual devotion to identity politics. That makes the holy Prophet’s name into a tribal banner — and every banner invites a rival. This is how spiritual reverence becomes a pretext for confrontation between religious groups and communities, and subsequently between the state and a particular community. It hands the narrative to hostile actors. Once protests turn into scenes of violence or property damage, the incident ceases to be about sincere love and becomes a security story for state authorities and a talking point for polarising media. The result is what was already predictable: arrests, FIRs, curbs and curtailment of freedoms and emotional retrenchment among both majority and minority communities — exactly the opposite of the calm and peace that the prophetic devotion ought to bring. It legitimises vigilante or coercive forms of “defence.” Communities sometimes feel the need to visibly defend sacred figures; but when that defence is led by hotheads, opportunistic leaders, ‘faith professionals’ or crowds swayed by religious rhetoric rather than scholarship, it can normalize coercive behaviour — and invite legal consequences. The Bareilly cases show how a mobilisation intended as a public display of love can cross into violence and criminal liability for organisers and participants. A Theological And Historical Reminder! Across Islamic history, piety toward the holy Prophet has been expressed in many registers: poetry, scholarship, quiet Sufi devotion, public sermons, social welfare, and respectful debate. No single group — whether Sunni, Shia, Sufi, Barelvi, Deobandi, or any political movement — has an exclusive claim on him. The Prophet’s life and message were lived as a bridge between faith and plural society; reducing him to a party slogan is a misreading of that legacy. Political or politicized clerics such as the head of the Ittehad-e-Millat Council (IMC) Maulana Tauqeer Raza Khan sahib were not aware of the practical risks of a monopoly claim over love and devotion for the Prophet (pbuh). As a result, their mobilization and unpragmatic attempts have led to the following issues further deepening the predicament or malaise of Muslims across the country: Fracturing intra-Muslim unity. When devotion becomes a marker of who “owns” religious identity, intra-community debates harden into factionalism. Energy that could be spent on social uplift, education, and communal harmony gets diverted to contests over authority and ritual. Empowering the state’s security logic. The state often responds to unrest with criminal law and force. Protests that veer toward lawlessness invite a security response that can then be used to justify wider suppression of dissent. The arrests, bulldozer actions and mass FIRs reported around Bareilly are an illustration of that dynamic. Damaging public opinion. Violence and coercion alienate potential allies and confirm negative stereotypes — making it harder to advance the community’s larger interests. These issues matter because they show the precise ideological fault-line: a devotional slogan became the nucleus of a mass mobilisation with political overtones, and that mobilisation collided with law enforcement in a way that produced arrests, injuries and social disruption. The question the community must now address is not merely legal or political; it is more of an ethical and theological nature. Claiming a monopoly on the Prophet’s love is a gross theological and moral error. The reason is not difficult to see. The holy Prophet’s legacy is universal, not tribal. The Qur’an frames the Prophet (pbuh) as a mercy to all worlds (Rahmatan Lil-‘Alamin). Islam’s own classical and modern progressive traditions widen the Prophet’s role beyond narrow communal boundaries: he is a model of compassion, justice, and moral repair for all people. To treat devotion as a sectarian or political credential is to reduce the holy Prophet’s moral authority into a badge that can be brandished to produce conformity or to justify coercion. Furthermore, religious reverence is not won by force. Love is shown in acts of worship, service, knowledge, and humility — not by rallies, threats, or policing of expression. When leaders organise mass demonstrations whose tenor becomes coercive, the result is not respect but resentment, and sometimes a loss of credibility for the very values they claim to defend. Such a monopoly breeds exclusion and hypocrisy. If a religious symbol is publicly framed as “owned” by a subgroup, everyone outside that subgroup becomes suspect. This undermines intra-faith pluralism and the prophetic example of toleration of unity in diversity. The Prophet’s own practice — living as a neighbour, negotiating with plural communities, and engaging in compassionate outreach — runs counter to such attempts to fence devotion into narrow tribal property. The Politics Of “Slogans” And The Danger Of Spectacle! Slogans—especially short, emotionally potent ones like “I Love Muhammad”—are politically useful. They condense identity into a single slogan and can quickly mobilise people. But slogans are double-edged: they can unify, but they can also be weaponised into identity-claims that demand public validation. In an environment in which online virality and offline mobilisation feed each other, a slogan can change its texture from devotional to political in hours. That’s what happened in Bareilly: what began as a public expression turned, according to authorities, into a pre-planned mass mobilisation that escalated into violence, giving the state a security imperative and inviting arrests. When religious expression becomes performative mass spectacle, it invites three predictable outcomes: (a) it polarises public opinion, (b) it provides the state with a legal pretext for suppression in the name of law-and-order, and (c) it validates aggrieved responses from hostile actors who point to the unrest as justification for countermeasures. None of these outcomes protect the Prophet; all diminish the moral force of devotion. Thus, there are legal and civic risks of monopoly claims. Monopolising religious devotion also corrodes the internal solidarity of the Muslim community. When a particular group claims exclusive ownership of an emblem of faith, intra-faith debates harden into factional hostilities. Energy that could be devoted to education, social welfare, or constructive interfaith engagement is instead channelled into contests over symbols and authority. Moreover, episodes of violent protest feed negative public narratives about the community at large, making it harder for moderates and reformers to build bridges and shape public opinion. The Ala Hazrat family’s own statement decrying police excesses shows the internal dilemma: even within the same tradition there are competing views about tactics and accountability. This is not just a dispute about leadership; it is a claim about who gets to speak in the name of the Prophet — and that claim matters for communal coherence. Constructive Alternatives And Measures For Mitigation! Return to scholarship and example. Let well-versed theologians, thinkers, established scholars, educators and teachers lead public expressions of devotion: symposiums, interfaith sessions, and public service projects that reflect the holy Prophet’s ethical teachings. These are harder for opponents to caricature and harder for the state to clamp down upon without looking plainly repressive. Insist on lawfulness and non-violence. A public demonstration of love that breaks the law weakens the moral authority of the claim. If the goal is respect for religious figures, it should be pursued through lawful, peaceful means — and with an understanding of the plural and fragile public sphere in which we live, in a pluralist polity like India. Build cross-community forums of respect. Engage in dialogues with other communities about shared values: compassion, protection of the weak, respect for faith. Such engagement reduces the zero-sum framing — “your reverence vs my insult” — and replaces it with shared standards for public conduct. Accountability for leaders. Religious leadership carries responsibility. Leaders who mobilise crowds must be accountable for preventing violence and misinformation. Where leaders cross legal or moral lines, communities should have mechanisms (such as ethical councils, independent ulema committees, or internal inquiries) to examine conduct and, when necessary, censure or correct. Curb misinformation and weaponised social media. The Bareilly episode shows how coordinated online tools can rapidly escalate local tensions; communities must cultivate media literacy and refuse to be tools in viral mobilisation that trades on rage. A Final Plea: Love Without Lockdown! Love for the holy Prophet (pbuh) is a deeply personal and communal treasure. It should expand hearts, encourage service, and build bridges. When it becomes a monopoly, weapon or political brand, it withers into a battleground. Muslims in India — and everywhere — must resist the temptations of spectacle and factional ownership. Preserve the dignity of the holy Prophet’s name through humility, learning, non-violence and ethical public engagement. That is the best and truest defence of his honor, and the only path that will keep communities safe, respected and spiritually alive. ----- A Regular Columnist with Newageislam.com, Ghulam Rasool Dehlvi is an Indo-Islamic scholar, Sufi poet and English-Arabic-Urdu-Hindi writer with a background in a leading Sufi Islamic seminary in India. He is currently serving as Head of International Affairs at Voice for Peace & Justice, Jammu & Kashmir. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-society/muslims-monopoly-muhammad-pbuh-theological-historical/d/137090 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Reviving the Spirit of Islam: A Call to Unity, Peace, and Inner Reform through Spiritual Teachings

By Ghulam Ghaus Siddiqi, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 On Tuesday, October 1, 2025, His Eminence the Grand Imam, Dr. Ahmed Al-Tayeb, Sheikh of Al-Azhar, expressed his profound sorrow over the current state of weakness and humiliation that has overcome the Muslim Ummah. His comments came during a significant meeting with Prince Rahim Aga Khan, the leader of the Ismaili sect and President of the Aga Khan Development Network, held at the Al-Azhar headquarters in Cairo. This meeting, while political in nature, opened the door to a deeper and more pressing issue: the spiritual and moral condition of the Ummah itself. The Grand Imam emphasized that division and discord among Muslims have not only weakened the Ummah internally but have also emboldened its adversaries. He warned that this disunity has created a false sense of power among those who oppose Islam, while Muslims, despite possessing every potential for strength and revival, remain paralyzed by internal conflicts. He reminded all Muslims of the divine command from the Qur’an: “And hold fast, all together, to the rope of Allah, and be not divided.” (Surah Aal Imran 3:103) In his remarks, the Grand Imam underscored that the mission of Al-Azhar is to spread peace, promote human brotherhood, and unify Islamic ranks. He referenced Al-Azhar’s leadership in launching the first Islamic–Islamic dialogue conference in Bahrain, an initiative aimed at closing the chapter of past disputes and encouraging cooperation among scholars, communities, and institutions to address today’s shared challenges. Such initiatives reflect a sincere desire to restore the spiritual and intellectual unity of the Ummah. Moreover, the Grand Imam expressed Al-Azhar’s readiness to collaborate with the Aga Khan Development Network on various initiatives, especially those targeting the youth. He noted that the Muslim Council of Elders, which he chairs, has significant experience in empowering young people with tools for peacebuilding, leadership, and ethical development. This cooperation marks a step toward practical solutions that can sow the seeds of harmony for future generations. In response, Prince Rahim Aga Khan expressed his appreciation for meeting the Grand Imam and praised his tireless efforts in promoting the true image of Islam—an image grounded in peace, coexistence, and moderation. He highlighted his desire to form strong partnerships with Al-Azhar, particularly in Europe, where Al-Azhar is widely respected as a global institution of balanced Islamic thought and a beacon of moderation. Beyond the political and institutional dialogue, the Grand Imam’s message speaks directly to the hearts of Muslims everywhere. His words remind us that our greatest battle is not external—it is internal. The challenges we face as an Ummah today are rooted in our loss of spiritual unity, our estrangement from the ethical teachings of Islam, and our neglect of the inner purification that Islam calls for. This is where the timeless wisdom of Sufism becomes critically relevant. For centuries, Sufi masters have taught that true reform begins with the heart. They call on us to conquer the ego (Nafs), to eliminate hatred and arrogance, and to embody compassion and love. These teachings offer a powerful path forward—a spiritual framework to heal the divisions within the Ummah and to eliminate violence and enmity from our lives. Sufism teaches that love for Allah naturally extends to love for His creation. The famous Sufi saying, “Love is the bridge between you and everything,” captures the essence of this path. Violence cannot exist where true love and spiritual presence reside. Peace begins within, and only those who have made peace with their own souls can spread it to others. Through Dhikr (remembrance of God), self-reflection, and service to humanity, Sufism reconnects the Muslim to the inner essence of Islam—one that is merciful, forgiving, patient, and inclusive. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) was described in the Qur’an as a “mercy to the worlds” (Surah Al-Anbiya 21:107), and it is this mercy that Sufism seeks to awaken in every heart. The time has come for Muslims—individuals, scholars, leaders, and communities—to rise above their differences and work towards a future defined by unity, not division; by healing, not harm. We must: • Re-centre our lives around the Qur’an and Sunnah, not just in ritual, but in conduct and ethics. • Seek spiritual purification (Tazkiyah) and strive to embody humility, mercy, and justice. • Reject sectarianism and embrace the diversity within the Ummah as a source of richness, not rivalry. • Support institutions and initiatives that promote dialogue, peace, and education. • Empower the youth, not with dogma, but with purpose, spirituality, and knowledge. As the Grand Imam’s meeting with Prince Rahim Aga Khan shows, meaningful cooperation is possible, and more than that—it is necessary. But such cooperation must be built on a foundation of spiritual awakening, sincere dialogue, and mutual respect. In conclusion, the way forward for the Muslim Ummah is not in confrontation, but in returning to the heart of Islam—a religion built on peace, love, unity, and divine wisdom. Let us open our hearts to one another, remembering that we are all travellers on the same path, and let us walk together with the light of Sufi teachings, the guidance of the Qur’an, and the vision of true brotherhood to heal our world and uplift our souls. ------ A regular Columnist with NewAgeIslam.com, Ghulam Ghaus Siddiqi Dehlvi is an Alim and Fazil (Classical Islamic scholar) with a Sufi background and English-Arabic-Urdu Translator. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-society/reviving-spirit-unity-peace-inner-reform-spiritual/d/137089 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

'Sadhvi' Pragya's Vituperation

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 “There is no brother-sister bond in Miyas (Muslims). If they don’t respect their own sisters, how can they respect you as their sister? Muslim men are looking to deceive and trap Hindu women and girls. Don’t ever become sisters of Muslims,” Thakur said while addressing the Durga Vahini’s Shastra Pujan event. “I appeal to the Matri Shakti (women) to take a vow not to allow Vidharmis in your home. Don’t allow those men to enter your house for light fitting, repair of water taps, to drive your vehicles or any other work. All our women and girls should take a vow of not falling into the trap of Vidharmis,” she said, adding, “Also, take a pledge to rescue from their clutches our women and girls who have already been trapped.” “These small oaths will protect our women and girls from the Vidharmis. We will have to take another oath of not consuming edible products made by the Vidharmis. Further, we will have to create groups, which will identify shops operated by Vidharmis near our temples. Once such Vidharmis selling Prasad near our temples are caught, they should be thrashed and handed over to the law enforcement,” Thakur said. These are the utterances of a former MP who's known for her morbid aversion to Muslims. Just a couple of months ago, Pragya Singh Thakur was acquitted of criminal charges by a special court in Mumbai in the 2007 Malegaon blast case. There's a Sanskrit proverb, Sadhu Charitram Vadante Sadhu (Whose character is good and saintly is a saint; Sadhu also means: good, honest and dispassionate). Is this 'Sadhvi' dispassionate and good? Even Hindus of Bhopal (she is a former Bhopal MP) call her a woman with a rapier tongue who vituperates all the time. The tragedy of this country is that the criminals are leaders who're dictating terms and are elected by the brainless majority. People like Pragya are responsible for widening the chasm between the two communities. Fanning the Hindu-Muslim narrative is the sole objective of these sadhus and sadhvis who're unfortunately in the current political dispensation. Pragya should stay in prison till she kicks the bucket. Ironically, her name means 'wisdom' and 'insight' but she's completely destitute of even common sense, let alone wisdom and intelligence. This is the way our political system works, employing such horrendous characters whose only task is to spread communal hatred and create disharmony and bad-blood. ---- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/current-affairs/sadhvi-pragya-vituperation/d/137088 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Muslim Community: Leadership Crisis and Emotional Exploitation

By Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 Abstract: The article explains that India belongs to all its people and must remain united through justice, equality, and harmony. The Muslim community, however, faces a deep leadership crisis and constant emotional exploitation. Political and religious figures often use emotions for their own gain, while real progress in education, economy, and social life remains ignored. True change requires honest, capable, and farsighted leadership, supported by people who judge leaders through facts and actions, not slogans. Only then can the Muslim community secure dignity, progress, and a respected place in society while contributing positively to India’s unity and diversity. Main Points: 1. India’s strength lies in unity, equality, and cultural harmony. 2. Muslim leadership lacks trust, causing repeated political exploitation. 3. Emotions dominate logic, slowing community’s growth and awareness. 4. Real progress requires sincerity, rationality, and practical leadership. 5. True leaders must prioritize collective interests over personal gain. ----- Knowledge, science, and balanced thinking help ensure peace, security, and the protection of rights at the social level. These are the factors that raise societies to the highest levels of success. Along with this, other benefits are also achieved that are directly connected with the progress of the nation and the country. This is why sensitive nations and aware societies always give preference to collective interests over personal ones. We must not forget that whenever nations have given priority to individual interests, history has eventually erased them completely. When the spirit of collective effort is established, people gain the courage to perform better in different fields of life. Such achievements then become a matter of pride for the community. But unfortunately, our present situation is quite the opposite. The vision that Islam teaches us, and the principles it guides us to follow, are not being implemented in society. People have rearranged social structures based on their own interests and demands, which has created a visible gap. This distance was not created naturally, but rather deliberately. Everyone has their own interests, and these selfish interests are sacrificing the true spirit of Islam. Therefore, not only must such elements and factors be restricted, but they must be eliminated altogether, because they damage the real teachings of Islam, weaken society, and harm human compassion. They also promote superiority and arrogance, which are extremely dangerous elements. Our behaviour and mindset have changed moral values entirely. We must remember that to control social evils and violence, along with knowledge and awareness, it is necessary to become realistic. Today, many scholars and intellectuals have significant influence in society, yet their attitude is filled with prejudice and narrow-mindedness. They remain far from the scales of justice and fairness, and at times, they openly reveal their wrong actions. It is equally necessary to hold accountable those who have power in the political system. They must reflect on whether the principles and promises of public welfare, which brought us this far, are being honestly fulfilled. Although their claims may be loud, the ground reality clearly shows that the spirit of a secular and democratic country like India is under threat. Deliberate walls of hatred and hostility are being built in the name of religion. The history, culture, and civilisation of a particular community are not only being suppressed but also erased. Such actions harm the beauty of India. Knowledge, wisdom, and awareness demand that we examine situations with seriousness and detail, and then create a strong plan of action. It has been a long time since India gained independence, and during this period, issues such as the economic stability of Muslims, the end of educational decline, and political participation have been widely discussed. Political parties have made many promises, yet the condition of Muslims remains unchanged. Why is this so? Different people may answer this according to their own perspective, but in my view, the reason is that in every era there has been a group among us that has arranged matters according to its own interests. Outwardly, they appear sympathetic to Muslims and speak about community welfare, but in reality, their loyalty is not with the Muslims but with their own selfish gains. This is not a philosophical point, it is something we witness daily. Looking from another angle, the present situation of Muslims across India also shows that we have not yet accepted anyone as a true leader. Though we all share the same challenges, we have failed to produce our own leadership. It is not that political awareness is lacking; what is lacking is trust in our leaders. Our constant suspicion has prevented us from building genuine leadership. The progress and prosperity of any community depend on sincerity in action, holding firmly to trust and credibility, and striving continuously with determination. This is the key to success. Therefore, if the Muslim community wants to live with dignity and honour, it must bring the example of the Prophet (peace be upon him) into its behaviour and attitude. Political and social awareness must also be further awakened. We must also acknowledge that emotions dominate strongly within the Muslim community, while logical, rational, and fact-based thinking is rare. Time and again, people have used religion, sectarian differences, and emotional appeals to provoke the community. Leaders have gathered crowds, raised slogans, and claimed to defend the nation and faith, but what has the Muslim community gained in return? Nothing. The sad truth is that we do not think seriously. We are easily influenced and used by others—sometimes by political parties for votes, and sometimes by religious leaders for their own benefit. Therefore, in order to regain our rights and protect our social existence, we must identify those faces and forces who exploit us for their profit. These are the hard realities we must understand seriously. Often, our careless actions become a source of embarrassment for the entire community. The political environment of India is changing rapidly, and this has directly affected democratic and constitutional values. National interests and social unity are disappearing. It is, therefore, essential to stop those ideologies that are harming our civilization, culture, and the centuries-old Ganga-Jamuni heritage of India. For this purpose, all secular forces and those who care for the welfare of society must come together and work. Social harmony and unity are vital not only for national progress but also for creating a positive image of India globally. The atmosphere of cooperation and understanding always strengthens human relationships and fulfils social needs. On the other hand, those who try to break this social fabric must remember that if society is divided, India’s long and proud history, which has given it a unique identity, will be completely destroyed. Therefore, to strengthen social unity and India’s secular traditions, it is important to highlight those aspects of history and society about which misunderstandings have been spread, or where doubts have been deliberately created by negative forces. India belongs to everyone. This is the truth, and this is the identity of India. India has never been known as a country of only one community. Hence, it is necessary to value all traditions that support the unity of the nation. we carefully observe the overall condition of the Muslim community, a very sad reality becomes clear: this community has always faced a crisis of leadership and emotional exploitation. The progress and survival of any nation depends on having leaders who are honest, sincere, far-sighted, and who give priority to collective interests over personal ones. Unfortunately, the Muslim community has lagged behind in this regard. It has failed to find true and genuine leadership, and because of this, different groups and political forces have repeatedly used its emotions for their own purposes. A leadership crisis arises when there is a lack of trust between the people and their leaders, and when no intellectual or practical connection remains between them. For a long time, Muslims have been forced to wonder who their real leader is. In politics, those who appear as leaders often act according to temporary benefits or the priorities of a particular party. That is why they give more importance to personal or group interests rather than representing the community honestly. Along with this, emotional exploitation is another major problem. Muslims are highly emotional by nature. It is quite easy to provoke their feelings in the name of religion, sect, or community. Political parties use this to win votes, and some religious leaders use it to maintain their own dominance. In big gatherings and with loud slogans, ordinary Muslims feel as though they have achieved a big success, but in reality, it is only a temporary excitement. Neither the community nor the nation gains any real benefit from it. The result of this leadership crisis and emotional exploitation is that the Muslim community has fallen behind in education, economy, and social development. The true role of leadership is to awaken the people from negligence, raise awareness, set a clear direction for the community, and encourage the new generation. But when leadership itself is trapped in confusion, selfishness, and short-term benefits, then it fails to guide the community in the right direction. To come out of this situation, the Muslim community must set its priorities and bring forward leaders who are sincere, transparent, and capable of practical planning. At the same time, the people themselves must take responsibility: instead of trusting only in slogans or emotional speeches, they must judge leaders by facts, performance, and honesty. In short, the biggest weakness of the Muslim community today is the leadership crisis and its repeated emotional exploitation. Until this community produces genuine and sincere leaders, no real change is possible. Without true leadership, neither the dream of progress will come true nor will a life of dignity and respect be achieved. ----- Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi is an author and a New Age Islam Regular Columnist. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-society/muslim-community-leadership-crisis-emotional/d/137087 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Janab Huzoor of Bihar Sharif: The Life and Legacy of Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Firdausi ‘Shauq Bihari’

By Syed Amjad Hussain, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Shauq Bahari, revered as Janab Huzoor, was a saint, scholar, and poet of Bihar Sharif, blending spiritual wisdom, literary grace, and humble leadership as Sajjada Nasheen of Makhdoom-e-Jahan’s legacy. Main Points: 1. Birth in 1248 Hijri at Khanqah, Bihar Sharif, son of Hazrat Shah Ameeruddin Firdausi. 2. Mastery of Islamic sciences and literature, with exceptional memory and elegant handwriting. 3. Spiritual training under Hazrat Shah Jamal Ali Firdausi, later granted caliphate. 4. Revered as 23rd Sajjada Nasheen of Makhdoom-e-Jahan’s Khanqah. 5. Remembered for humility, scholarship, poetry, and radiant presence guiding disciples and seekers. ------ Ḳhārzār-e-Ishq Se Aye Shauq Niklo Tum Kahīñ Gulshan-e-Hastī Se Ho Jāoge Varna Gum Kahīñ (“O Shauq, come out from the thorny path of love, otherwise, you may be lost somewhere in the garden of existence.) — Shah Ameen Ahmad Firdausi ‘Shauq Bihari’ Early Life and Education Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Shauq Bihari was born on the sacred night of Monday, the 23rd of Rajab 1248 Hijri (18 December 1832), in the blessed surroundings of Khanqah-e-Muazzam, Bihar Sharif. He was the son and successor of Hazrat Syed Shah Ameeruddin Firdausi, a direct custodian of the spiritual throne of Makhdoom-e-Jahan Hazrat Shaykh Sharafuddin Ahmed Yahya Maneri. His birth was seen by his family as a continuation of the divine blessing that had long resided in the household. From his earliest years, Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad displayed brilliance. His initial education took place within the family, but he soon came under the guidance of renowned scholars of Bihar Sharif such as Maulvi Enayat Hussain, Maulana Haji Syed Wazeeruddin, and Maulana Muhammad Shah Musa Multani. By the age of twenty, he had mastered the religious and traditional sciences. His intelligence was extraordinary, and his memory so sharp that he could retain entire books after a single reading. Teachers and fellow students alike were astonished by his capacity for knowledge. His handwriting, admired for its elegance and clarity, was as refined as his intellect. Beyond his mental gifts, he possessed physical beauty and grace. His radiant face and attractive presence mesmerised those who encountered him, reflecting not only outward charm but also an inner spiritual light. Spiritual Journey Knowledge of the outward sciences was only one part of his quest. The young scholar yearned for deeper spiritual insight. He first received training from his father but was later directed to become a disciple (Mureed) of Hazrat Shah Jamal Ali Firdausi Sheikhpurvi, the Sajjada Nasheen of Khanqah-e-Firdausiya Shoaibiya, Sheikhpura. Under his guidance, Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad received the caliphate, strengthening his bond with the Firdausi silsila. After the passing of Hazrat Shah Jamal Ali, he entered the company of Hazrat Shah Wilayat Ali Hamdani Qadri Abulolai Islampuri, a saint of immense stature and influence. Under his Murshid’s guidance, he immersed himself in esoteric and spiritual education. He remained in devoted service, whether by travelling to Khanqah Islampur or by attending upon his Murshid when he visited Bihar Sharif for Urs. Hazrat Shah Wilayat Ali recognised the dedication and sincerity of his disciple, granting him the glad tidings of future greatness and bestowing upon him the authority of caliphate in all family spiritual lineages. This blessing confirmed him as a spiritual heir whose light would shine far beyond his immediate surroundings. As Sajjada Nasheen of Khanqah-e-Muazzam Upon the passing of his father, Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Shauq Bihari succeeded as the twenty-third Sajjada Nasheen of Makhdoom-e-Jahan Hazrat Shaykh Sharfuddin Ahmad Yahya Maneri. For thirty-four years, he upheld the sanctity of the throne, guiding disciples, scholars, and seekers with wisdom and compassion. His leadership was marked by humility, yet his presence commanded deep reverence. Contemporary saints rarely addressed him by name, instead using the honorific title ‘Janab Huzoor’. This respectful title, first used especially for him, later became the accepted address for all successors of Makhdoom-e-Jahan Hazrat Shaykh Sharfuddin Ahmed Yahya Maneri. Scholarship and Writings In addition to his spiritual stature, Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad was a man of letters, equally respected as a poet and scholar. His command over Persian was exceptional, and he wrote extensively in that language, adopting the pen name ‘Sabaat’ (ثباتؔ). He was also active in Urdu poetry, where he used the pen name ‘Shauq’ (شوقؔ). His literary contributions include works of profound insight into Sufism, metaphysics, and the sciences. Among his writings are Shajrat-e-Taiyebat, Silsilat-ul-La'Aali, Gul-e-Firdaus Dar Ahwal-e-Khwajagan-e-Firdaus, Gul-e-Bahishti, Rauzat-un-Naeem, Ibrat Afza, and Shahado Sheer. He also authored treatises such as Risala Ilm-e-Nujoom on astrology and Risala Ilm-e-Ramal on geomancy. In addition, Rubaiyo Ka Sangrah, his collection of Rubaiyats adds to his legacy as a refined poet. These works reveal a mind deeply engaged with both mystical realities and the sciences of his time. Disciples and Influence The influence of Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad spread widely through his disciples. He granted Khilafat to nearly thirty-five individuals, many of whom became revered saints and scholars in their own right. His Khalifas include the names of Hazrat Maulana Shah Burhanuddin Firdausi, Hazrat Shah Muhammad Hayat Firdausi, Hazrat Shah Muhammad Faazil, Hazrat Maulvi Jamaluddin Gorakhpuri, Hazrat Syed Shah Abu Muhammad Ashraf Hussain Kichhauchvi (Sajjad Nasheen), Hazrat Yaas Bihari and others. His spiritual training extended across regions, ensuring that the light of his guidance reached far and wide in India. His sons, grandsons, and close companions carried forward his teachings with devotion. Through them, the legacy of Janab Huzoor flourished across provinces, strengthening the Firdausi tradition and enriching Indian Sufism. Personal Life In his personal life, Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad married five times. From these marriages, he was blessed with numerous sons and daughters. True to their lineage, his children achieved excellence in the fields of education, knowledge, and religious learning, continuing the noble traditions of their father and ancestors. His home, like his Khanqah, was a centre of faith, scholarship, and service. Legacy and Remembrance The life of Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad has been preserved through both oral memory and written record. A comprehensive handwritten biography titled Hayat-e-Sabaat was authored by Hazrat Shah Najmuddin Firdausi, ensuring that the details of his life and works were not lost to history. In recent years, Late Dr. Ali Arshad Sharfi conducted academic research on his life and writings, earning a doctorate and highlighting the continued relevance of his contributions. To mark his enduring legacy, the quarterly journal Anwar-e-Makhdoom, published from Khanqah-e-Muazzam, dedicated a special issue to his personality in 2003, commemorating a century since his passing. Passing and Final Resting Place Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Shauq Bihari left this mortal world on 12th May 1903, corresponding to 25th Jamadi-us-Saani, at precisely 1:55 AM in the night. He was laid to rest beside his father, his blessed tomb situated to the west of his father’s grave in Khanqah-e-Muazzam, Bihar Sharif. To this day, devotees visit his shrine, seeking blessings and remembering his life of devotion and service. Conclusion The life of Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Shauq Bihari was a radiant example of the harmony between scholarship, poetry, and spirituality. As the twenty-third Sajjada Nasheen of Makhdoom-e-Jahan Hazrat Shaykh Sharfuddin Ahmed Yahya Maneri, he guided countless souls with wisdom and humility, spreading light across the subcontinent. His literary contributions, spiritual guidance, and the disciples he trained ensured that his influence would extend well beyond his lifetime. The title of Janab Huzoor, once reserved as a mark of respect for him, has become a lasting tradition for all successors of Makhdoom-e-Jahan, a testament to the honour he commanded. More than a century after his departure, his name continues to inspire seekers of knowledge and truth, affirming his place as one of the most cherished saints in the history of Bihar. References: Anwar-e-Makhdoom Hayat-e-Sabaat Oral accounts from different people related to Khanqah-e-Muazzam, Bihar Sharif. ----- Syed Amjad Hussain is an author and Independent research scholar on Sufism and Islam. He is the author of 'Bihar Aur Sufivad', a bestselling research book based on the history of Sufism in Bihar. Note: This is the first-ever research article available about Hazrat Shah Ameen Ahmad Firdausi ‘Shauq Bihari’ on the Internet. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/huzoor-bihar-sharif-legacy-hazrat-firdausi-shauq/d/137086 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Muslims May Lose Huge Waqf Property After Special Intensive Revision

By Syed Ali Mujtaba, New Age Islam 3 October 2025 The activity of the Waqf Amendment Act has shifted to the (UMEED) portal, where the registration of the Waqf properties is being done through the ‘Unified Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development’ system. The UMEED portal is a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) website where the Waqf properties are put into three three-pronged tests of the ‘maker,’ checker, and “approver” to qualify as a Waqf property. This three-layered system for the registration of Waqf properties is a time bomb ticking for Indian Muslims. This is because many Waqf properties lack documentary evidence and cannot qualify for the special intensive reservation test. As a result, Muslims are bound to lose a huge number of properties that are endowed to them by the community members for their welfare. The community is yet to wake up to face this reality and make preparations for how to deal with any such eventuality if and when it arises. The hard fact is there are several Waqf properties that do not qualify for the norms of registration at the UMEED portal. In such a case, will the government take over all such property is giving sleepless nights to the community? So far, the UMEED portal has registered only 4,000 properties, whereas there is revenue records tell that there are 8.72 lakh Waqf properties in India. The Waqaf property is spread over 38 lakh acres of land in the country, which accounts for nearly 5% of the total land mass of India. Now, through the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), the Waqf properties are again being registered at the UMEED portal. The portal’s database should contain documentary evidence of the people who have Waqf their properties, related registered deed, accounts, and it audit report, maintenance register, financial status, court cases, and other such details. It looks like the reregistration of the Waqf properties is not going to be an easy task. The state and central Waqf boards, which are government bodies, do not have authentic papers as required by the UMEED portal. According to the new Waqf Act, the burden of proof is on the Muslim community and not on the government’s record office. The record left behind by the British government identifies the Waqf property, but does not mention the details that are required by the UMEED portal. There is no name of the person who made Waqf, the measurement of the property is missing, and so is the boundary of the property and other details. It needs to be mentioned here that the history of Waqf is as old as the Muslims' presence in India. It’s a culmination of centuries of endowments made by the faithful for the welfare of the community that is being put to the test. In recent times, the largest number of endowments happened during the time of the Partition of India. The Muslims who left for Pakistan did Waqf their property for the welfare of their community left in India. This was done through “oral-hiba” without making any registered deed. Now this is unacceptable to the UMEED portal and cannot constitute Waqf property. That is the reason the Amended Waqaf Act is unacceptable to the Muslims. The next milestone in the history of the Waqf property is 1955, when the Zamindari system was abolished. Many Muslim landlords did a Waqf of their property to save it from going to the government’s coffers. This was done without any formal registration process. The 1968 Urban and Rural Celling Act is another milestone in the history of Waqaf. This Act restricted property-holders from keeping minimum assets in their personal possession. This made many Muslims endow their extra property to the community without any registration process. According to the provisions of the new Waqf Act, only property that is formally transferred to the Waqf board through a written document or a will can be considered eligible to be registered at the UMEED portal. In such cases, the Waqf Board must have the legal documents for the Waqf properties. The unregistered Waqf properties, including those in the category of ‘Waqf by user’ cannot be included in the database of the UMEED portal. There are several categories of Waqf property in India. The first is ‘Waqf by Users’, which is in the shape of Mosques, Imambara, Eidgah, Dargah, and a graveyard. They are in use by the Muslim community for their religious purposes. They are by the naturalization process and are accepted as Waqf properties. There are more than 4.2 lakh such properties that come in the category of ‘Waqf by user.’ Muslims have to forfeit the claims of all such property, as per the Waqf Amended Act of 2025. The second kind of Waqf property is held by the Archaeological Survey of India. The ASI has many historical mosques, tombs, and other Muslim religious sites, which otherwise should have been Waqf property. According to the amended Waqf Act, all such property now belongs to the government, and the Muslim community has no claims over it. Waqf properties are of two kinds. One is for the religious purpose, the second is the property that is generating revenue, and is for the purpose of uplifting the socio–economic condition of the Muslims. According to the information provided by the Waqf board, 38 lakh acres of land are Waqf property. But no one knows the income from the land source and where such an income is spent. Similarly, there are urban Waqf properties that are in the form of commercial establishments but not know their number, their value, and how much income they generate, and where it is being used. Currently, the UMEED portal is moving at a sluggish pace due to record registration challenges. Only around 4,000 properties so far have been registered compared to the total 8.72 lakh Waqf establishments spread across 30 States/UTs in India. Under the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process, the Mutawalli (caretaker) will serve as the ‘maker’, entering property details. The Waqf Board official will function as the ‘checker’, reviewing and validating entries. Finally, a designated ‘government authority’ will act as the ‘approver’, to ensure full verification of the records. This is creating more problems than solving them. According to the new Waqaf Amendment Act, all the property that is not registered and does not qualify for the three-layer check will have to be omitted from the registration process at the UNEED portal. An official from the Uttar Pradesh Waqf board has reportedly said, “UMEED portal demands old revenue records. U.P. has over 2.3 lakh properties under the Shia and Sunni Waqf boards. The onus of finding these records lies with government officials, not with Waqf board members. When the revenue department says they are unable to find the record, in such a case, how can the Waqf board provide the documents to the UMEED portal? A member of the UP Waqf board, illustrating this point, reportedly said, “The UMEED portal seeks the date of a survey conducted nearly 80 years ago on a graveyard in Lucknow. The burial site was Waqf by the user's property, but today, there is no way to provide any information about this property. The old revenue records are a mix of Persian and Arabic languages, and today there is none to read them as it's centuries old and in a depleted condition. Another Waqf Board member from Haryana highlighted the problem that providing precise boundary details of the Waqf property is not an easy job. In many cases, a person Waqf only a share of land, while other portions remain under different co-owners. In such a case, how can boundaries be clearly defined? According to the new Waqf Act, such property cannot be registered because it wants fool-proof records. As a result, it is ‘impossible’ to fill the UMEED portal’s columns. Such complaints have come from states such as Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Haryana, and Maharashtra. Some Waqf officials complain that the UMEED portal has been made in a hurry, and there are problems at every stage of the registration process, from missing city, area, and ward names. The government officials managing the UMEED portal are unable to comment on the properties that are not going to be registered at the Waqf portal. Obliquely, they hinted that the real number of Waqf properties will certainly be less than it is currently being estimated. In this context, a Waqf Board official has cautioned that there is going to be a huge fall in the figures of Waqf property after the final registration process is completed at the UMEED portal. ‘The hype that Muslims are the largest landowners of the country is a myth,’ he said. The BJP government, by bringing in the Waqf Amendment Act, is creating problems for the Muslim community. The community should be prepared to give a response if the robbery of their Waqf properties may happen in broad daylight. In Tamil Nadu, a Muslim MLA, M.H. Jawahirullah, has reacted, saying that the UMEED portal is illegal and constitutes contempt of court. “The Waqf administrators and State Waqf Boards should refrain from registering Waqaf properties at the UMMED portal,” he said. The Jamat Ulema–e–Hind, the largest body of Muslims, has given a call for the boycott of the Waqf Amendment Act. Although it has deferred its ‘Bharat Band’ call temporarily, its call for a huge rally at Delhi’s historic Ramlila ground on November 16, 2025 is still stands in place. ---- Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/current-affairs/muslims-huge-waqf-property-sir/d/137085 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Persistent Human Rights Violations In Pakistan Not Only Violate UN Charter But Also Islam's Pristine Values: Sultan Shahin Tells The UNHRC In Geneva In An Oral Statement Submitted On Durban Declaration

By Sultan Shahin, Founder-Editor, New Age Islam 2 October 2025 Oral Statement submitted by Sultan Shahin (Full name: Syed Sultan Ahmad Jilani), Special Representative of Asian-Eurasian Human Rights Forum (AEHRF) at 60th session of the Human Rights Council, 08 September to 08 October 2025 Agenda Item9: General Debate On Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia And Related Forms Of Intolerance NGÔ: Asian-Eurasian Human Rights Forum (AEHRF) Date: 2 October 2025 Madame Vice- President, Despite UN efforts to counter racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance for decades, these scourges continue to plague humanity across societies., I want to highlight what UN human rights experts said on 24 July 2025 asking “the government of Pakistan to take concrete measures to prevent extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and attacks against places of worship and cemeteries amid ongoing violence and discrimination against religious minorities, including the Ahmadi community.” These experts including several Special Rapporteurs like Irene Khan, Nazila Ghanea, Reem Alsalem, Morris Tidball-Binz, etc., said: “We are shocked at reports of increasing violence against vulnerable communities on grounds of their religion or belief. These communities have witnessed relentless attacks, killings and unending harassment for months in the context of hostility and advocacy of hatred against them.” It is particularly shocking for us Muslims as Pakistan is not only a signatory to the UN Charter but claims to run a government of Islamic orientation and the society is supposed to be Muslim with Islamic scholars wielding great influence. The Holy Quran repeatedly calls for protection of human rights, right to life, liberty, freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Prophet Mohammad had governed Madina on the basis of Meesaq -e-Madina which gave freedom to all religious communities to be governed by their own religious laws. So, Pakistan is clearly violating Islam’s pristine values too. As the UN experts pointed out: “In the past year alone, the Ahmadiyya community has endured numerous human rights violations, including killings, deaths in custody, and arbitrary detention. They have also been the target of religious discrimination, with the demolition of a historic 100-year-old mosque in Daska, the closure of a mosque in Malir, Karachi, the destruction of minarets in Bahawalnagar, desecration of at least 82 Ahmadi graves in Kotli, Azad Kashmir, mass arrests of minors and persons with disabilities in Sargodha, Daska and Pasrur, and violent attacks during Eid celebrations in Azizabad, Karachi, during which mosques were vandalised. It is reported that Ahmadi mosques in major cities like Karachi and Lahore have been sealed or forcibly shut down. Women, particularly in detention on blasphemy charges, face significant gendered harms. “These violations demonstrate widespread hostility towards Ahmadis in Pakistan exacerbated by hate speech and incitement to violence by political and religious figures,” the experts said. The experts stressed that there was an upsurge in reported cases of human rights violations against minorities despite a resolution at the Pakistan National Assembly in June 2024 urging Federal and Provincial Governments to ensure the safety and security of all citizens of Pakistan. They also called on Pakistan to repeal its blasphemy laws. This call for repealing Blasphemy Laws have been made again and again, not only by UN experts and Human rights defenders but also by moderate and progressive Islamic scholars. However, that has not made any difference to the prevailing situation on the ground up till now. As the UN Experts advised: “Pakistan must break the pattern of impunity that has allowed perpetrators of attacks and incitement to hatred and violence to act without restraint.” Most shockingly, they said: “These attacks take place with tacit official complicity whilst the cycle of fear prevents people and institutions from upholding the rights and dignity of these minorities.” “We stand ready and willing to support the Pakistani Government in effective implementation of its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international human rights instruments,” the experts said. The experts have raised concernsabout allegations of discrimination against minority communities with the Pakistani Government, especially allegations of violence against the Ahmadi community and vigilante violence following accusations of blasphemy. Thank you, Madame Vice- President URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-human-rights/hr-violations-pakistan-un-pristine-values-unhrc-durban-declaration/d/137080 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Bidʻah and Innovation in Muslim Life: Between Authenticity and Adaptation; Refuting Salafism

By New Age Islam Correspondent 2 October 2025 Islam spread across the globe precisely because it was both faithful to revelation and adaptable to culture and time. To deny this adaptability is to deny centuries of Islamic creativity: in law, science, art, and worship. The challenge of our time is not to ban every innovation, nor to accept every novelty blindly, but to apply discernment, distinguishing between what contradicts Islam and what helps it flourish. A balanced view preserves the purity of worship, promotes community harmony, and enables Muslims to address modern challenges without compromising their faith. This was the wisdom of the Companions, the legacy of classical jurists, and it remains the path forward today. Major Points: 1. Bidʻah means innovation, but not all innovation is harmful. The Qur’an uses bidʻah in a neutral sense, and the Companions like ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb called some innovations “good.” Classical scholars, such as Imam al-Shāfiʿī, recognised two types: praiseworthy (aligning with the Qur’an and Sunnah) and blameworthy (contradicting them). 2. Salafism equates all innovation with misguidance, but this is too rigid. Salafis cite hadith like “Every innovation is misguidance” to reject practices such as Mawlid, Sufi dhikr, or grave visitation. But this view ignores how early Muslims and jurists allowed beneficial changes through principles like qiyās, maslaha, and ʻurf. 3. History shows flexibility, not absolutism. Examples like Tarāwīḥ prayers in congregation, compilation of the Qur’an, and the use of modern tools for worship prove that Muslims adopted new practices when they served Islam’s higher purposes without altering its core. 4. A balanced approach is the way forward. Innovations should be judged by whether they contradict revelation or serve Islam’s objectives. A flexible yet faithful stance preserves purity of worship, prevents harmful excesses, and allows Muslims to adapt to new contexts without losing their identity. ----- In contemporary Muslim discourse, few words are as polarising as bidʻah — the Arabic term for innovation. In some mosques, the charge of bidʻah is hurled like an accusation, branding whole communities or practices as illegitimate. In other spaces, Muslims speak of “good innovations” that bring people closer to faith, foster unity, and help the religion flourish in modern circumstances. The tension is not academic. It plays out in real life: Should Muslims celebrate the Prophet’s birthday (Mawlid)? Can they recite collective dhikr in Sufi circles? Is it permissible to use modern technology in worship, like Qur’an apps and loudspeakers for the call to prayer? Are communal Iftar gatherings during Ramadan a cherished custom or a religious distortion? Much of this debate has been sharpened by the rise of Salafism in the modern period, which argues that all innovations in religion are misguidance. Yet the picture is more complex. The Qur’an, the Sunnah of the Prophet ﷺ, and the practices of the Companions show that Muslims did not adopt an absolutist stance. Instead, they distinguished between harmful and beneficial changes, guided by principles of the Shari‘ah. This long-form essay explores the meaning of Bid’ah, the Salafi critique, and the broader scholarly responses that advocate balance between authenticity and adaptation. Along the way, we will examine Qur’anic verses, Prophetic traditions, sayings of classical scholars, and historical examples that illuminate this enduring question. The Meaning of Bidʻah: Language and Religion Linguistic Roots The word Bid’ah comes from the root ب د ع, which conveys the sense of creating something without precedent. The Qur’an uses the term to describe Allah Himself as the Originator: «بَدِيعُ السَّمَاوَاتِ وَالْأَرْضِ» (al-Baqarah 2:117) “The Originator of the heavens and the earth.” Thus, in its most basic sense, Bid’ah simply means something new, unprecedented, or original. In Islamic discourse, however, bidʻah narrowed into a technical meaning: introducing a belief or practice into religion that has no basis in the Qur’an, Sunnah, or the consensus of the early Muslim community. Because Islam emphasises strict fidelity to revelation, labelling something as bidʻah often implies that it is illegitimate, misguided, or even sinful. But as we shall see, the story is far from simple. Scriptural Anchors of the Debate The Hadith on Rejected Innovations One of the most famous Prophetic sayings on the subject is narrated by ʿĀ’isha (may Allah be pleased with her): «مَنْ أَحْدَثَ فِي أَمْرِنَا هَذَا مَا لَيْسَ مِنْهُ فَهُوَ رَدٌّ» “Whoever introduces into this matter of ours something that is not from it, it will be rejected.” For Salafis, this hadith is categorical: any religious novelty is automatically invalid. The Qur’anic Injunction A verse from Sūrat al-Ḥashr is often paired with the above hadith: «وَمَا آتَاكُمُ الرَّسُولُ فَخُذُوهُ وَمَا نَهَاكُمْ عَنْهُ فَانْتَهُوا» (59:7) “And whatever the Messenger gives you, take it; and whatever he forbids you, abstain from it.” On the surface, these texts seem to provide no wiggle room. Yet Muslim history, from the Companions onward, shows that interpretation was always more nuanced. The First Great Example: Tarāwīḥ Under ʿUmar After the Prophet ﷺ passed away, the community faced decisions about how to organise worship. One famous case is the Ramadan night prayer (Tarāwīḥ). The Prophet prayed voluntary night prayers during Ramadan but did not consistently lead them in congregation, fearing they might be mistaken for an obligatory act. After his death, Muslims prayed for them individually. Then ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, the second caliph, organised the people to pray Tarāwīḥ in congregation under one imam. He declared: “What a good innovation (Ni‘Mat Al-Bidʻah Hādhihi) this is!” Here, the word Bid’ah is used approvingly. For many jurists, this shows that not all innovations are blameworthy. Instead, the question is whether they align with the spirit of the religion. The Salafi View: Innovation as Misguidance Salafism, influenced by Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn al-Qayyim, Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab, and later scholars, insists that: Islam is complete, perfect, and needs no additions. Any religious practice not performed by the Prophet or his Companions is illegitimate. Innovations open the door to misguidance, superstition, and even shirk. Salafi preachers often quote another hadith: «كُلُّ بِدْعَةٍ ضَلَالَةٌ» “Every innovation is misguidance.” For them, this leaves no distinction between “good” and “bad” innovation. Concern for Tawhid (monotheism). By rejecting innovations, Salafis seek to protect worship from any hint of idolatry. Purity of practice. A simple, clear Islam without extra rituals appeals to many. Historical grievances. In some Muslim societies, corrupt shrine practices or exploitative leaders twisted religion. The Salafi call to purge such elements resonates. Yet, while motivated by sincerity, the Salafi position faces serious problems. The Limits of Absolutism: Not All New Things Are Rejected If the hadith “whoever introduces…” were taken literally, then the compilation of the Qur’an into a single book after the Prophet’s death would itself be Bid’ah. So would building minarets, printing Qur’ans, or using microphones for Adhan. Clearly, Muslims accepted many new practices when they served legitimate purposes. The example of ʿUmar and Tarāwīḥ shows that the earliest Muslims were pragmatic. They assessed innovations by benefit and harm, not by novelty alone. Islamic Law Provides Tools for Adaptation Over centuries, Muslim jurists developed methods to deal with change: Qiyās (analogy): Extending rulings to new cases by analogy. Ijmāʿ (consensus): Agreement of scholars as a binding authority. Maslaha (public interest): Judging actions by benefit to the community. ʻUrf (custom): Accepting cultural practices that do not contradict revelation. Dismissing these methods undermines the very tradition of Islamic jurisprudence. Social Consequences Declaring every new practice haram fractures communities, delegitimises harmless cultural traditions, and turns religion into a narrow cage rather than a living guide. Classical Scholarly Classifications Contrary to Salafi claims, many classical scholars made nuanced distinctions. Imam al-Shāfiʿī is famously reported to have said: “Innovations are of two types. Whatever contradicts the Qur’an, Sunnah, or consensus is a misguided innovation. But whatever is good and does not contradict any of these is a praiseworthy innovation.” Other scholars divided Bid’ah into the five categories of Islamic law: obligatory, recommended, permissible, disliked, and forbidden — depending on the case. This flexibility shows that classical Islam was not rigid. Case Studies: Contested Practices A. Mawlid (Prophet’s Birthday) Salafi view: The Prophet never celebrated his birthday, so it is Bid’ah. Other scholars: Mawlid, when observed with Qur’an recitation, praise of the Prophet, and charity, fosters love and knowledge. Excesses should be avoided, but the principle is permissible. B. Visiting Graves Salafi view: It leads to shirk by asking the dead for intercession. Counterpoint: The Prophet visited graves and encouraged it: “I used to forbid you from visiting graves, but now visit them, for they remind you of the Hereafter.” (Hadith). The problem is not visitation itself, but incorrect beliefs attached to it. C. Sufi Dhikr Circles Salafi view: Group dhikr and chanting are innovations. Counterpoint: Dhikr is explicitly commanded in the Qur’an. Collective forms are cultural expressions, permissible so long as they do not violate core principles. D. Modern Technology Salafi concern: New methods may dilute tradition. Response: Means of teaching and worship — from books to apps — are neutral. Their moral value depends on content, not form. A Balanced Framework for Judging Innovations Muslims can use a simple framework: Textual Fidelity: Does it contradict the Qur’an or explicit Sunnah? Doctrinal Safety: Does it risk shirk or distortion of belief? Maqasid Alignment: Does it serve Islam’s higher objectives (faith, life, intellect, lineage, property)? Historical Precedent: Did early Muslims tolerate or encourage similar acts? This method avoids both reckless innovation and rigid rejection. Why the Salafi Rejection Fails It contradicts early Muslim practice (ʿUmar’s Tarāwīḥ). It ignores the juristic tradition of Qiyas and Maslaha. It creates unnecessary division by demonising legitimate cultural expressions. It makes Islam appear rigid and unadaptable, which contradicts its history as a dynamic civilisation. Conclusion: Toward Fidelity with Flexibility The Prophet ﷺ warned: «كُلُّ بِدْعَةٍ ضَلَالَةٌ» “Every innovation is misguidance.” Yet the Companions themselves knew that this warning was not a literal prohibition of every new thing. They understood it as a warning against corrupt changes that undermine revelation, not against beneficial measures that serve religion. Islam spread across the globe precisely because it was both faithful to revelation and adaptable to culture and time. To deny this adaptability is to deny centuries of Islamic creativity: in law, science, art, and worship. The challenge of our time is not to ban every innovation, nor to accept every novelty blindly, but to apply discernment, distinguishing between what contradicts Islam and what helps it flourish. A balanced view preserves the purity of worship, promotes community harmony, and enables Muslims to address modern challenges without compromising their faith. This was the wisdom of the Companions, the legacy of classical jurists, and it remains the path forward today URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-terrorism-jihad/bidah-authenticity-adaptation-refuting-salafism/d/137073 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

On the Qur’an’s Interreligious Theology: An Essential Approach to Expanding Circles of Divine Engagement

By Adis Duderija, New Age Islam 2 October 2025 The Qur’an, the sacred text of Islam, is often approached with a singular focus on its unique doctrines and practices rather than holistically and with contextual and historical nuance . However, a transformative understanding emerges when we recognise that the Qur’an when holistically , contextually and historically envisions expanding circles of divine engagement, rather than promoting a hermetically sealed community. Adopting this perspective is essential for anyone seeking to grasp the full depth of the Qur’an’s teachings and its relevance in our interconnected world. At its essence, it van be reasonably argued that the Qur’an seeks to present a vibrant relationship between God and humanity. The text narrates the lives of multiple prophets who hold significance in both Islamic and Judeo-Christian traditions. By doing so, the Qur’an establishes a foundation for interfaith dialogue, emphasising that these figures serve as bridges, facilitating a deeper understanding of God’s message across cultural boundaries. Additionally, concept of Umma, often interpreted as confessional Muslim community, deserves re-evaluation. A closer examination reveals that it signifies a broader, more inclusive community encompassing all of humanity. The Qur’an’s frequent references to "people" (Qawm) , for example, highlight our shared humanity, inviting readers to acknowledge that divine engagement is not limited to Muslims alone. Central to the Qur’an’s interreligious vision is its emphasis on ethics. The text repeatedly calls for justice, compassion, and mercy—principles that resonate across faith traditions. Thus, the Qur’an’s ethical teachings when approached contextually , holistically and historically can potentially serve as a universal language facilitating dialogue among communities. Holistic reading of the Qur’an leads us to think that its basic ethos is to encourage communities to compete in good deeds while acknowledging their distinct laws and ways of life. This notion fosters a sense of shared responsibility, urging all communities to work together for the greater good. It is a powerful reminder that, despite theological differences, the pursuit of justice and compassion is a common goal. The Qur’an is inherently a text of encounter, inviting readers to engage in a communal and personal exploration of its messages. This perspective encourages interfaith dialogue, where individuals can share experiences and insights, enriching their understanding of the divine. Moreover, a holistic reading of Qur’an suggest that it wishes to foster curiosity , encouraging believers to approach others with an open attitude. By promoting inquiry, the Qur’an opens the door for meaningful conversations, bridging gaps between different faith communities. This engagement is not just an academic exercise but a spiritual necessity in a world that often leans toward division. Qur’an’s teachings when approached historically, contextually and holistically can create spaces for dialogue and understanding ( and when approached ahistorically, decontextually and in a fragmented manner they can have the opposite effect as evident in various forms of Islamic fundamentalism and extremism) allowing individuals from diverse backgrounds to convene, discuss their beliefs, and learn from one another. Ultimately, the Qur’an’s interreligious theology ( again when approached contextually , holistically and historically) is not just an intellectual exercise but an invitation to expand our understanding of divine engagement. It challenges us to move beyond the confines of exclusivity and to embrace the full gamut of human experience. It can lead us to recognise the shared values that unite us are essential for fostering a spirit of dialogue that transcends religious boundaries. As we navigate the complexities of our modern world, the Qur’an’s message ( when approached contextually , holistically and historically ) can serve as a powerful reminder that our engagement with the divine is broader than our individual communities. It encourages us to reach out, listen, and learn from one another. By doing so, we can create a more inclusive and compassionate world one where the divine is experienced in the fullness of our shared humanity. ----- Adis Duderija is an Associate Professor in Islam and Society and Griffith University and a book series editor of a new book series on Islam and Process-Relational Thought (Routledge). URL: https://www.newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/quran-interreligious-theology-divine-engagement/d/137072 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Pakistan’s Misuse of the Holy Quran’s Terminology: A Moral and Religious Critique

By Aman Mohammad, New Age Islam 2 October 2025 Pakistan’s use of Quranic phrases such as “Bunyan al-Marsoos” for military operations raises concerns about the politicisation of the Holy Quran. This article critiques such distortions, reflects on historical lessons of faith, and emphasises Islam’s true call for justice, unity, and protection. Main Points: 1. Misuse of the Holy Quran for military operations distorts its ethical purpose. 2. Islamic history teaches humility, trust in Allah, and moral solidarity. 3. Pakistan faces deep economic and social crises, yet uses religion as a political tool. 4. True Islamic governance protects all citizens, including non-Muslims. 5. Sacred scripture must guide righteousness, not propaganda or military ambition. ------ The Holy Quran is a source of guidance, moral integrity, and spiritual wisdom. Its verses are intended to inspire ethical conduct, unity, and justice – not to serve political or military agendas. Recently, Pakistan’s use of the Quranic phrase “Bunyan al-Marsoos” to name military operations has raised serious concerns about the politicisation of sacred texts. This phrase, found in Surah As-Saff (61:4), translates as “a structure joined firmly.” The verse describes how Allah loves those who fight in His cause in a unified, steadfast row – a concept meant to inspire moral solidarity. Applying it to a modern military operation, however, distorts its true meaning. Historical Lessons from the Holy Quran Islamic history emphasises humility and trust in Allah’s protection. When Abraha marched on the Kaaba with elephants, intending to destroy it, the defenders of Makkah did not launch a political campaign. Instead, they placed their trust in Allah’s divine protection, as recounted in Surah al-Fil (the Holy Quran 105:1–5). Allah has also promised to preserve the Holy Quran itself: “Indeed, it is We who sent down the Holy Quran and indeed, we will be its guardian.” (Surah al-Hijri 15:9) These lessons remind us that sacred scripture should be revered and trusted, not employed as slogans to justify military or political actions. The true essence of these divine narratives lies in their ability to inspire righteousness and an unwavering trust in Allah’s plan, rather than serve the ambitions of states or armies. Pakistan’s Failure to Protect Its Citizens and the Politicisation of Faith Pakistan continues to struggle with socio-economic challenges. Inflation remains high, the country faces a narrow tax base, low industrial diversification, and weak infrastructure, while public debt has surged to Rs 80.5 trillion with a fiscal deficit of 5.6% of GDP. Climate disasters, such as the 2025 floods in Punjab, displaced over 2.5 million people, worsening humanitarian conditions. On the global stage, Pakistan ranks low in per capita income (approximately 153rd) and faces serious hunger challenges (Global Hunger Index 2024: 109th out of 127; score 27.9). Despite IMF support, structural weaknesses persist, leaving citizens vulnerable and inadequately protected. In this context, the state’s use of religious symbols becomes a hollow and distracting gesture. While the government claims to be an Islamic state, it is widely perceived as unable to protect the honour of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ from disrespect, such as offensive cartoons or depictions. This perceived failure has fuelled the rise of movements like Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). The TLP, often seen as a religious populist force, uses street protests and threats of violence to advance its agenda. Its widespread support comes from those who regard the government as corrupt and “rotten” – an authority that has failed in its duty to defend the sanctity of the Prophet ﷺ. This dynamic reveals a deeper problem: both the state and such religious movements are engaged in a dangerous politicisation of religion. If the government cannot safeguard its citizens or uphold the sanctity of the Prophet ﷺ, why is it using words from the Holy Quran to name military operations? Such misuse distorts Islam’s message, misleads the public, and provides justification for groups to resort to aggressive – and at times violent – means to hold the state accountable. Protecting All People: A Core Islamic Principle Islamic governance emphasises the protection of all individuals, including non-Muslims. The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ instructed his successors to ensure that every person under their rule felt safe. Similarly, Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab (RA), after the conquest of Palestine, allowed people of all faiths to freely worship in their holy places. Non-Muslims were considered dhimmi, under the protection of Allah’s governance – a powerful demonstration that safeguarding rights is a sacred duty. Conclusion The use of phrases from the Holy Quran to brand military operations is a distortion of Islam’s ethical teachings. Religion must remain a moral guide, not a tool for propaganda or political authority. Sacred texts should inspire righteousness, justice, and the protection of all humanity – never serve as instruments for the ambitions of states or militaries. References Surah al-Fil (the Holy Quran 105:1–5): Abraha’s army defeated when attempting to destroy the Kaʿbah, while the people of Makkah trusted Allah. Surah al-Hijr (the Holy Quran 15:9): Allah promises preservation of the Holy Quran. Surah As-Saff (the Holy Quran 61:4): Source of the phrase “Bunyan al-Marsoos.” Hadith on Protection of Non-Muslims: The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ said, “Whoever harms a non-Muslim citizen, I will be his opponent on the Day of Resurrection.” (Source: Taareekh Baghdad) The Pact of Umar (RA): Following the conquest of Jerusalem, Caliph Umar guaranteed religious freedoms to non-Muslims, ensuring their right to worship and live peacefully. Pakistan Economic & Social Indicators 2025: Reuters, Global Hunger Index 2024, IMF Reports, Pakistan Economic Survey 2025. ----- Mohammad Amanullah Mohammad is engaged in research and writing on Islamic history, Quranic interpretation, reformist thought, and interfaith harmony. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/the-war-within-islam/pakistan-misuse-holy-quran-terminology-moral-religious/d/137071 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism