New Age Islam

Wednesday, July 2, 2025

Anti-Patriarchal Resonances in Hadith Literature: Recovery of the Prophetic Ethos of Gender Justice

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam 2 July 2025 The interpretation of Islamic scripture, particularly the vast and intricate corpus of Hadith—the recorded sayings, actions, and tacit approvals of the Prophet Muhammad—has, for much of history, been refracted through a patriarchal lens. This interpretive framework, often shaped by the socio-cultural norms of post-prophetic societies rather than the pristine ethos of the revelation itself, has frequently been marshalled to construct and reinforce systems of male authority, circumscribe female agency, and codify gender-based hierarchies as divinely ordained. This has led to a widespread perception, both within and outside Muslim communities, that the tradition is inherently and irredeemably patriarchal. However, such a conclusion arises from a hermeneutic of submission to historical patriarchy, not from a critical engagement with the sources themselves. A dedicated re-examination, informed by what can be termed an anti-patriarchal mind-set—one that consciously seeks to identify and dismantle hierarchical, oppressive, and unjust gender structures—reveals a profound and persistent counter-narrative embedded within the very fabric of the Hadith literature. This paper will argue that the Hadith corpus, when read in concert with the overarching Quranic principles of justice ('Adl), compassion (Rahmah), and the inherent dignity of all humanity (Karamah), contains significant anti-patriarchal resonances. These are not isolated anomalies or mere acts of personal kindness, but are, in fact, foundational elements of the prophetic Sunnah (normative practice) that actively contest assumptions of inherent male superiority, advocate for profound reciprocity in spousal relations, normalize and dignify male participation in the domestic sphere, and unequivocally affirm the theological, social, and legal rights of women. This hermeneutical project is not an anachronistic imposition of modern feminist values onto a pre-modern text. Rather, it is an act of recovery, an excavation of the emancipatory potential that resides within the tradition itself. By meticulously highlighting these often-overlooked or marginalized textual moments, we can reconstruct an Islamic ethical framework that fundamentally challenges rigid patriarchy. This framework demonstrates with compelling evidence that the Prophetic example and the lived reality of the early Muslim community contained potent and transformative seeds of gender justice, offering a powerful resource for contemporary Muslims striving to build equitable societies. To achieve this, this paper will be structured around several key thematic areas where the anti-patriarchal thrust of the Hadith is most evident. First, it will explore the deconstruction of gendered labour through the Prophet’s active and consistent participation in domestic work, thereby challenging the public/private and male/female dichotomies that underpin patriarchal systems. Second, it will analyse the dynamics of the marital relationship, showcasing how prophetic practice and the conduct of early companions modelled reciprocity, mutual consultation, and female assertiveness, directly confronting norms of unilateral male authority. Third, the paper will examine the robust evidence for women's public voice, intellectual authority, and civic participation, demonstrating a model of community life where women were active agents in shaping theological and legal discourse. Finally, it will delve into the profound theological transformation articulated by figures like 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, whose personal journey from a pre-Islamic patriarchal mind-set to an Islamic recognition of women’s divinely-ordained rights encapsulates the revolutionary impact of the faith. By synthesizing the arguments, evidence, and documentation from these domains, this paper will present a coherent and comprehensive case for the powerful anti-patriarchal ethos that animates a significant portion of the Hadith literature. Theoretical Framework: An Anti-Patriarchal Hermeneutic Before proceeding to the textual analysis, it is imperative to establish the theoretical framework guiding this inquiry. The interpretive lens one brings to a text fundamentally shapes the meaning that is derived from it. For centuries, the dominant hermeneutic applied to Islamic texts concerning gender was patriarchal, assuming male authority as the default and interpreting ambiguous texts in a manner that reinforced this hierarchy. An anti-patriarchal hermeneutic, in contrast, proceeds from a different set of foundational assumptions, rooted in the core message of the Quran itself. This hermeneutic is premised on the Quran's unequivocal declaration of the spiritual equality of all human beings. The famous verse in the Quran states that all of humanity was created from a single pair, male and female, and made into nations and tribes to know one another, with the noblest in the sight of God being the most righteous (49:13). This verse dismantles any ontological basis for racial, tribal, or gender-based superiority. Furthermore, the Quran explicitly lists believing men and believing women side-by-side, promising them identical spiritual rewards for identical virtues, from submission and faith to charity and chastity (33:35). As Islamic feminist scholar Asma Barlas argues, the Quran's "radical reconceptualization of God" as utterly transcendent, beyond gender, form, or human-like attributes, is the ultimate theological undoing of patriarchy, which often relies on projecting masculine characteristics onto the divine to sacralise male authority (Barlas, p.134). Therefore, an anti-patriarchal hermeneutic uses these overarching Quranic principles of justice ('adl), equity (qist), and human dignity as the ultimate criterion (al-furqan) for interpreting the Hadith. When a Hadith appears to contradict this clear Quranic ethos, the hermeneutic demands critical scrutiny. This does not mean summarily rejecting Hadith, but rather engaging in a deeper analysis of its context, authenticity, language, and its relationship to the broader corpus of revelation. As Amina Wadud posits in her ground-breaking work, the Quran must be read holistically, allowing its universal principles to inform the interpretation of its particular rulings (Wadud, p.9-10). The same principle applies to the relationship between the Quran and the Hadith; the latter must be understood as an elaboration and practical embodiment of the former, not as a contradiction of it. This approach actively resists the tendency to universalize culturally specific or context-bound statements. It recognizes that the Prophet Muhammad was legislating and guiding a community in a specific time and place, and his words often addressed particular situations. The task of the interpreter is to discern the underlying universal principle from the specific historical application. For example, a command given to a 7th-century Arabian audience might have a surface meaning tied to that context, but its underlying objective—promoting justice, preventing harm, ensuring fairness—is timeless. An anti-patriarchal hermeneutic seeks to recover and apply that timeless objective. It is, in essence, a search for the most just and equitable reading of the tradition that the texts themselves will allow, grounded in the belief that God’s message is ultimately one of liberation and justice for all of humanity. Deconstructing Domesticity: The Prophetic Model of Shared Labour A foundational pillar of virtually all patriarchal systems is the rigid gendering of labour and space. This system creates a dichotomy between the "public" sphere of politics, commerce, and authority, designated as male, and the "private" or "domestic" sphere of household maintenance and caregiving, relegated to women. This division is never neutral; the male, public sphere is valorised and associated with power, while the female, domestic sphere is devalued, rendered invisible, and seen as subordinate. The Prophet Muhammad’s personal example, as meticulously recorded in the Hadith, serves as a powerful and direct assault on this patriarchal construct. Through his consistent and unremarkable participation in household tasks, he modelled an ethic of shared responsibility that dissolved the artificial boundary between male leadership and domestic life. The most vivid and widely cited testimony comes from his wife, Aisha, a key authority on his private life. When asked what the Prophet did at home, her answers paint a picture of a man fully integrated into the fabric of his household. In a narration recorded in the Musnad of Imam Ahmad, she states, "He was like any other human being: he would clean his clothes, milk his ewe and serve himself" (Ahmad, Musnad 6:256; al-Albani, Silsila Sahiha 671). The phrasing here is profoundly significant. By describing him as "like any other human being", Aisha (R) normalizes these activities. She frames them not as extraordinary acts of condescension from a great leader, but as the ordinary, necessary tasks of human life that are incumbent upon everyone. This implicitly refutes the patriarchal notion that certain individuals, by virtue of their gender or status, are exempt from the labour of self-sufficiency and household maintenance. Another, more detailed narration, also in the Musnad of Ahmad, specifies that the Prophet would "sew his own clothes, mend his own shoes and do whatever other work men do in their homes" (Ahmad, Musnad 6:121; al-Albani, Sahih al-Jami' 4927). The act of sewing and mending is particularly subversive. These were tasks almost universally associated with women in his socio-historical context. By performing them himself, the Prophet directly challenged and blurred the lines of gendered labour. The concluding phrase, "whatever other work men do in their homes," is a subtle but powerful critique. It suggests a reality where men were involved in domestic work, countering a revisionist history that might seek to erase male participation in the home entirely. It presents an integrated model of life where work is defined by need, not by gender. The consistency of this practice is confirmed in a famous Hadith from Sahih al-Bukhari. Al-Aswad ibn Yazid, a prominent early scholar, made a point of asking Aisha directly: “What did the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, do when he was with his family?” Her reply was unequivocal and concise: “The Prophet would be in the service of his family, doing household chores, and when the time for prayer came, he would go out” (Bukhari 644). The Arabic phrase Fi Mihnat Ahlilihi is potent; it translates literally as being "in the profession" or "in the labour" of his family. It denotes a consistent state of being, an active and ongoing engagement, not an occasional helping hand. The juxtaposition of this service with the call to prayer is also critical. It shows that his domestic responsibilities were his default state, from which he would depart only for the obligatory public ritual of prayer. This hierarchy of priorities—service to family as the norm, interrupted by public worship—inverts the patriarchal model where a man’s public life is his primary identity and his involvement at home is secondary or optional. As Kecia Ali astutely notes in her analysis, these actions by the Prophet "disrupt conventional expectations of masculine behaviour" (Ali, p.78). In the tribal context of 7th-century Arabia, where masculinity was often performed through martial valour, poetic prowess, and public authority, the image of the leader of the community quietly mending his own shoes is a radical redefinition of power. It disassociates leadership from domination and exemption, and re-associates it with humility, service, and self-reliance. This prophetic model provides a powerful theological and ethical resource for challenging contemporary patriarchal norms that continue to burden women with the entirety of the "second shift" and devalue the essential labour of maintaining a home and raising a family. It establishes a Sunnah of domestic partnership, a prophetic precedent for a masculinity that is not threatened by, but is in fact enhanced by, its active participation in the full spectrum of human life. Recalibrating the Marital Dyad: From Hierarchy to Reciprocity The marital relationship is a critical site for the construction and maintenance of patriarchy. It is within the institution of marriage that norms of male dominance and female submission are often most intensely codified and enforced. Here again, the Hadith literature provides a wealth of counter-narratives that challenge the model of a hierarchical, authoritarian marriage, instead promoting a vision of partnership based on mutual rights, reciprocity, compassion, and even a validated space for female assertiveness. The life of the second Caliph, 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, a man known for his formidable personality and pre-Islamic patriarchal disposition, provides some of the most compelling evidence for the transformative power of the Islamic message on this front. A famous and instructive anecdote, cited by Mazheruddin Siddiqi, recounts a man who, frustrated with his wife's sharp tongue, went to 'Umar's house to seek the Caliph's intervention and recourse. Before he could knock, he overheard 'Umar’s own wife speaking loudly and sharply to him. The man, disheartened, turned to leave, thinking that if the mighty Caliph faced the same domestic challenge, he could surely offer no help. 'Umar, noticing the man's retreat, called him back. Upon hearing the reason for his visit, 'Umar offered a perspective that is remarkable in its acknowledgment of his wife's uncompensated labour and his own dependence on her: "'[My wife] cooks my food, washes my clothes and suckles my children, thus relieving me of the necessity of employing a cook, a washer man and a nurse, although she is not in the slightest degree responsible for this? Not only that, I enjoy peace of mind on account of her and I am protected from committing the sin of adultery. In view of these advantages, I put up with her excesses. You should also do the same.’" (Siddiqi, p.83-84). This response is profoundly anti-patriarchal in its implications. First, 'Umar explicitly acknowledges that the extensive domestic and caregiving labour his wife performs is not a legal or religious obligation upon her ("she is not in the slightest degree responsible for this"). This refutes the patriarchal assumption that such work is a wife's inherent duty. Second, he frames his tolerance not as a magnanimous act of patriarchal grace, but as a fair and logical exchange for the immense benefits he receives. He conducts a pragmatic, almost economic, analysis that recognizes her contributions as valuable services. Third, his reasoning reframes the relationship in terms of interdependence and mutual benefit, completely undermining the notion of a husband's absolute right to demand unquestioning compliance. His advice to the other man is to practice forbearance based on gratitude and a recognition of rights, not to assert his authority and demand submission. An even more powerful narrative, found in Sahih al-Bukhari, shows 'Umar's wife not only speaking her mind but grounding her right to do so in the ultimate authority: The Sunnah of the Prophet. The Hadith relates that 'Umar once raised his voice at his wife, and she responded in kind. When he expressed his outrage at her retort, she delivered a stunning rebuke, reminding him that he had no right to be indignant when the Prophet's own wives, including 'Umar's own daughter Hafsa, would respond to their husband similarly. She highlights that the Prophet would allow his wives to express their opinions and even stay cross with him for a whole day without silencing them. The climax of her argument is a direct and irrefutable challenge to 'Umar's patriarchal posturing: "and he [the Prophet] is better than you"(Bukhari 5505). This narrative is a masterclass in anti-patriarchal resistance from within the tradition itself. 'Umar's wife is not merely being "disobedient"; she is making a sophisticated theological and legal argument. She leverages the normative example of the Prophet to assert her own rights and to critique her husband's behaviour. She establishes the Prophet's tolerance for female assertiveness as the true Islamic standard, against which 'Umar's expectation of silent deference falls short. The Prophet’s acceptance of such reciprocal and sometimes contentious dialogue, as cited by 'Umar’s wife, establishes a powerful precedent for female voice and agency within the marital home. It directly contradicts the rigid interpretations developed by later jurists that demanded absolute and silent wifely obedience. As Amina Wadud argues, such interactions are indicative of "a model of reciprocity and mutual consultation" that was inherent in the Prophet's own relationships, challenging the authoritarian models of husbandly conduct that would later emerge (Wadud, p.88). These examples from 'Umar's life are complemented by numerous direct teachings from the Prophet himself that frame marriage in terms of kindness and mutual rights. His famous statement in his Farewell Sermon, "Treat women well", was not a mere suggestion but a final, binding instruction to his entire community (Bukhari 5186; Muslim 1466). In another widely cited Hadith, he ties a man's very character to his treatment of his family: "The best of you are those who are the best to their families, and I am the best of you to my family" (Tirmidhi 3895). By making himself the benchmark, he inextricably links righteous masculinity with gentle and just conduct within the home. This collective body of evidence—from the Prophet's actions, his direct commands, and the way these were understood and enacted by his companions—builds an undeniable case for a marital ethos based on the Quranic principles of love and mercy (30:21) and mutual rights and responsibilities (2:228), an ethos that stands in stark opposition to patriarchal hierarchy. Women's Public Voice and Intellectual Authority Patriarchy functions not only by controlling the domestic sphere but also by systematically excluding women from public life, particularly from spheres of intellectual and religious authority. It seeks to silence women's voices and render their contributions invisible. The early Islamic period, as reflected in the Hadith and historical reports, presents a vibrant counter-model where women were not only present but were active, authoritative, and indispensable participants in the shaping of the community's religious, intellectual, and even political life. The foremost example of female intellectual authority is, without question, Aisha bint Abi Bakr. Far from being confined to the private quarters, Aisha emerged after the Prophet's death as one of the most prolific and influential scholars of her generation. She is credited with narrating over two thousand Hadiths, but her role extended far beyond mere transmission. She was a Mujtahida—an independent jurist capable of deriving legal rulings. The classical sources are replete with instances where she critically evaluated and corrected the narrations and interpretations of senior male Companions, including Abu Hurayrah, 'Abdullah ibn 'Umar, and even the Caliph 'Umar ibn al-Khattab. A classic example is her forceful refutation of a Hadith attributed to Abu Hurayrah which suggested that a man's prayer is nullified if a dog, a donkey, or a woman passes in front of him. Aisha (R)'s response was one of indignation and sharp correction: "You have equated us (women) with donkeys and dogs! By God, I saw the Prophet praying while I used to lie in my bed between him and the Qibla, and when I had a need, I would dislike to face him, so I would slip away" (Bukhari 514). Her correction was not based on abstract reasoning alone, but on her own direct, lived experience and intimate knowledge of the Prophet's practice. She asserted her superior knowledge in this matter and successfully prevented a deeply misogynistic interpretation from gaining normative traction. This willingness to publicly debate and correct her male peers demonstrates a level of intellectual confidence and communal acceptance that is unthinkable in a rigidly patriarchal system. The sheer volume and unquestioned authority of her narrations and juristic opinions in the classical Sunni tradition attest to an early Islamic environment where female scholarship was not an anomaly to be tolerated, but a central pillar of the tradition's preservation and development. This phenomenon of female public voice was not restricted to the elite circle of the Prophet's wives. A celebrated incident from the Caliphate of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab illustrates the agency of an ordinary woman in shaping public policy. It is reported that 'Umar, while delivering a sermon from the pulpit, attempted to set a cap on the amount of Mahr (dower) that a man could give to his wife, arguing that high dowers were becoming a source of social competition and hardship. A woman from the congregation stood up and publicly challenged the Caliph. She quoted the Quran directly back to him: "...and you have given one of them a Qintar (a large amount of gold), so take not one thing from it" (4:20). Her argument was simple and powerful: if God, in the Quran, placed no upper limit on the dower, what right did the Caliph have to do so? In a remarkable display of humility and respect for scriptural evidence, 'Umar immediately conceded his error, famously declaring, "The woman is correct, and 'Umar is mistaken." (This incident is recorded in several compilations, including the Musannaf of Abd al-Razzaq, hadith 10420, and the Musannaf of Ibn Abi Shaybah, hadith 16362). This event is a powerful testament to a civic culture where a woman's knowledge of scripture empowered her to hold the highest political authority accountable in a public forum, and where that authority submitted to the correctness of her argument. Perhaps the most profound validation of female voice comes from an event that shaped the Quran itself. The story of Khawla bint Tha'laba is immortalized in the opening verses of Surah al-Mujadila ("The Pleading Woman"). Her husband had pronounced a pre-Islamic formula of divorce upon her (Zihar), which left her in a state of limbo, neither married nor free to remarry. She went to the Prophet to plead her case, arguing passionately about her plight and that of her children. Aisha, who witnessed the encounter, described her as disputing and complaining to God. Her plea was answered directly by divine revelation: "Indeed, God has heard the speech of the one who argues with you concerning her husband and directs her complaint to God. And God hears your dialogue; indeed, God is Hearing and Seeing" (58:1). The revelation went on to abolish the unjust practice of Zihar. This incident is of immense significance. It demonstrates that a woman's plea for justice could be the direct cause of divine legislation, her voice resonating from earth to the heavens and being enshrined in the eternal text of the Quran. It is the ultimate affirmation of women's standing as moral and legal subjects whose concerns are worthy of divine attention and intervention. As Karen Bauer observes, such narratives of female participation "provide a counterpoint to interpretations that emphasize only restriction and control," offering a rich resource for envisioning a more inclusive and participatory vision of Muslim community life (Bauer, p.112). The Theological Revolution: Umar's Testimony and the Dawn of Rights The shift from the pre-Islamic era, known as Jahiliyyah (Age of Ignorance), to the Islamic period was not merely a change in religious doctrine; it was a fundamental reordering of social consciousness, particularly concerning the status and worth of women. The most profound and personal testimony to this revolutionary transformation comes, once again, from 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, a man whose life straddled both worlds and whose personality was emblematic of the stern patriarchal values of his tribe. His own words, recorded in Sahih al-Bukhari, serve as an unimpeachable confession of the anti-patriarchal impact of Islam on his own worldview and that of his society: “By God, in Jahiliyya, we used to have no regard for women whatsoever. But when Islam came and God made mention of them, this caused us to realize that they have rights upon us...” (Bukhari 5505). This single statement is a dense and powerful summary of the entire argument for Islam's anti-patriarchal thrust. Let us deconstruct its components. First, 'Umar's admission about the Jahiliyyah period is stark and unsparing: "we used to have no regard for women whatsoever." This sets the baseline. It acknowledges the historical reality of an extreme patriarchy where women were not considered subjects of regard or importance. Second, he identifies the catalyst for change: "when Islam came and God made mention of them." The "mention" of women by God refers to the extensive and transformative passages in the Quran that addressed their status. This includes verses affirming their spiritual equality with men (33:35), verses establishing their independent economic rights, such as the right to inherit property (4:7, 4:11-12) and to own and control their dower (4:4, 4:20), and verses outlining mutual rights and obligations within marriage, enjoining kindness and prohibiting mistreatment (2:228, 4:19). This Quranic discourse forced a radical re-evaluation of women's place in the divine and social order. The final part of 'Umar's statement is the most crucial: "...this caused us to realize that they have rights (haqq) upon us." The shift is from a state of disregard to a consciousness of rights. This is not a language of charity, chivalry, or benevolent paternalism. Haqq is a potent Islamic concept, signifying a just and binding claim, a divinely ordained entitlement. To recognize that women have rights is to recognize them as legal and moral subjects with inherent worth and agency, whose claims upon men and upon society are not favours to be granted but duties to be fulfilled. This theological shift, from viewing women as dependents or property to viewing them as rights-bearing individuals before God, is the very bedrock upon which any anti-patriarchal reading of the Islamic tradition must stand. 'Umar's personal evolution embodies the societal transformation that Islam initiated, moving from a deeply entrenched patriarchy to a new paradigm defined by divinely mandated rights and responsibilities. This transformation is underpinned by the Quran's revolutionary theology. As argued by Asma Barlas, patriarchy ultimately requires a patriarchal god to sustain it. By presenting a God who is absolutely one (ahad), transcendent, and beyond all gendered descriptions, the Quran "unlinks God from masculinity and, by extension, from all systems of patriarchal privilege" (Barlas, p.134). This theological foundation makes the continued justification of patriarchy in God's name a profound contradiction. The Quran's insistence on justice as a primary virtue (4:135, 5:8) and its establishment of a universal human identity rooted in servitude to a single, non-gendered God provide the ultimate framework for gender equality. 'Umar's testimony is the human echo of this divine revolution, the lived experience of a man whose patriarchal certainties were dismantled by the word of God and the example of His Prophet. Reclaiming an Emancipatory Heritage The Hadith literature, for too long read through a lens darkened by centuries of patriarchal culture, reveals a luminous and compelling counter-narrative when approached with a hermeneutic of liberation. While later juristic interpretations and cultural accretions often constructed a formidable patriarchal edifice using selective readings and decontextualized Hadiths, the corpus itself contains a rich, deep, and persistent vein of anti-patriarchal principles and narratives. These are not marginal or exceptional; they are central to the prophetic model of a just and compassionate society. This paper has demonstrated that the prophetic Sunnah actively subverted the patriarchal norms of 7th-century Arabia in multiple, decisive ways. The Prophet Muhammad’s consistent and active participation in de-gendered domestic labour dismantled the artificial and hierarchical division between the public and private spheres, dignifying the work of the household and modelling a masculinity of service and humility. His interactions with his wives, and the precedents they set for the wider community, recalibrated marriage from a relationship of command and control to one of reciprocity, mutual consultation, and recognized rights, even validating a wife's right to assert her opinion. The active and authoritative roles played by women like Aisha in shaping the intellectual and juristic tradition, and the empowerment of ordinary women to hold even the Caliph accountable, point to a vibrant public square where female agency was not only tolerated but valued. And most fundamentally, the theological revolution of Islam, encapsulated in the personal transformation of a staunch patriarch like 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, replaced a culture of female disregard with a divinely mandated consciousness of women's rights (Huquq). These Hadiths and the ethos they represent do not merely depict isolated acts of kindness or personal preference. They model an alternative relational structure, a different way of being human together, one that is based on the Quranic ideals of reciprocity, shared responsibility, mutual respect, and the recognition of the inherent human dignity and God-given rights of all people, irrespective of gender. To recover and centre these narratives through an anti-patriarchal lens is not, therefore, an imposition of alien modern values onto the tradition. It is, in fact, a profoundly authentic and vital act of reclaiming the original emancipatory potential that lies at the very heart of the Islamic message. It allows for a hermeneutic that aligns seamlessly with the Quran's core call for justice ('Adl), goodness (Ihsan), and human equality before the One God. In a world where gender-based oppression continues to be perpetrated, often in the name of religion, this recovered prophetic ethos offers powerful and indigenous resources for challenging injustice and building Muslim societies that are truly reflective of the liberation and equity promised in their foundational texts. Bibliography Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. Ali, Kecia. Sexual Ethics and Islam: Feminist Reflections on Quran, Hadith, and Jurisprudence. London: Oneworld Publications, 2006. Barlas, Asma. "Believing Women" in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002. Bauer, Karen. Gender Hierarchy in the Quran: Medieval Interpretations, Modern Responses. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Mernissi, Fatima. The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women's Rights in Islam. Translated by Mary Jo Lakeland, New York: Perseus Books, 1991. Siddiqi, Mazheruddin. Women in Islam. Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1975. Wadud, Amina. Quran and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. ----- V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-ideology/anti-patriarchal-hadith-literature-prophetic-ethos-gender/d/136049 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Qutb al-A‘rafin, Imam al-Masha’ikh Hazrat Syed Ahmad al-Kabir al-Rifa‘i: The Ocean of Mercy, the Founder of Rifa‘iyya Whose Humility Touched the Throne

The Sharper The Storm, The Sooner It's Over

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 2 July 2025 While reading George Sand (she was a woman; George Sand was her sobriquet or nom de plume), I came across two pithy statements that ensued from her formidable pen: Let us accept truth, even when it surprises us and alters our views AND The sharper the storm, the sooner it's over. George Sand, born as Amantine-Lucile-Aurore Dupin on July 1, 1804, was a prolific French writer and one of the most prominent female authors of the 19th century. ----- George Sand's first quote, "Let us accept truth, even when it surprises us and alters our views," is a powerful reminder of the importance of open-mindedness and intellectual growth. In a world where our beliefs and opinions are often deeply ingrained, it can be challenging to accept ideas that challenge our existing notions. However, Sand advocates for the willingness to embrace new perspectives and facts, recognizing that the pursuit of truth is more valuable than holding onto outdated or mistaken beliefs. By acknowledging the transformative nature of truth, this quote encourages us to be adaptive, receptive, and willing to evolve as individuals, making the quest for knowledge and understanding a lifelong journey. We often steadfastly adhere to our beliefs because more often than not it's a matter of our ego and adamancy. But truth is far greater than an individual's ego and obstinacy. Somewhere, every individual is aware that his/her long-held beliefs could be wrong and even delusional. But very few individuals have the magnanimity to accept the jerry-built foundations of their beliefs. We don't want to change our views and beliefs lest people should scoff at us. This is an erroneous belief. On the contrary, those who're ready to accept the truth and change their beliefs, however old and dear they may be, are admired by all. This shows the magnificently magnanimous malleability of their character and also underlines an individual's greatness and humility. To have a dyed-in-the-wool attitude seldom pays dividends. In the second quote, George Sand emphasizes a powerful and reassuring sentiment about the storms we encounter in life. She suggests that the more intense and challenging the storm, the quicker it will pass. The metaphorical storm represents the difficult and turbulent times we face, whether they are emotional, personal, or professional. Sand's words remind us that while these storms may try us, they also have an inherent tendency to be fleeting. By acknowledging the transient nature of adversity, she instills hope and resilience within us. This quote encourages us to face challenges head-on, knowing that they will eventually diminish and allow us to move forward with newfound strength and wisdom. In short, the world's most famous refrain, ' This too shall pass,' articulates Sand's quote. By the way, this phrase or refrain is thought to be of ancient Persian origin ( īn nīz bogzarad) and is often associated with the concept of impermanence in life. It's known as Anicca in Buddhism. Urdu/Persian poet 'Nashtar' Nishapuri says, ' Chahe gham ho ya ho khushi / Koi shai aakhir tak nahin saath nibhati ' (Whether happiness or sorrow/ Nothing lasts till death). URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/sharper-storm-george-sand-over/d/136045 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Maharashtra’s Faith Anchors: Pune’s Dargahs Older Than the City

By Sahil Razvi, New Age Islam 02 July 2025 Pune’s Thorla and Dhakta Sheikh Sallah dargahs significantly predate the city itself, originating in the 14th century under Tughlaq rule. Built for Sufi saints Hazrat Sheikh Salahuddin and Hazrat Sayyed Hisamuddin, these enduring spiritual landmarks remain actively revered near Shaniwar Wada and in Kumbharwada today. Main Points: 1. Both dargahs existed before Pune was formally established as "Kasabe Pune". 2. Emerged during Mohammad bin Tughlaq's Deccan campaign (1338 onwards). 3. Dedicated to Sheikh Salahuddin (d. 1358) and Hazrat Sayyed Hisamuddin (d. 1390). 4. Thorla in Kumbharwada, Dhakta beside Shaniwarwada near Dengle Bridge. ---- The city's two significant dargahs have histories stretching back quite a while, even before Pune got its name as we know it today. Imagine that time – the whole of Maharashtra was under Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq's rule. Back in 1338, he made a big shift, moving his capital south to Devgiri and renaming it Islamabad (what we now call Daulatabad). Aiming to tighten his grip on the Deccan, he then set his sights on the crucial Kondhana fort (today's Sinhagad). To pull this off, he first seized control of the Pune area to secure his base and supplies. After Tughlaq successfully captured Kondhana fort, he put his trusted man, Commander Bariya Arab, in-charge of the region. Arab first built up the defences at Chakan by constructing a fort there. Seeing Pune's growing potential, he later started building fortifications around the Pune area itself, marking its rise in importance. This was the period when the area's population really started increasing. The newly fortified settlement got its name – Kasabe Pune, meaning a small town called Pune. This development naturally drew visitors, including important religious figures. Among them was Hazrat Sheikh Salahuddin Gazi Chishti, known as Sheikh Sallah. Travelling all the way from Delhi with his 700 followers, he came to spread Islamic teachings. As the son of Ghour king Sheikh Abdullah, he carried weight. Sheikh Sallah made Pune his home for many years, passing away here in 1358. His devoted followers built a dargah in his memory to honour his spiritual legacy. Later, another respected preacher, Hazrat Sayyed Hisamuddin Kattal Zanjani, who was also in Pune for similar work of spreading faith, died here in 1390. Another dargah was established for him. To tell the two revered sites apart, folks naturally started calling them Thorla (Senior) Sheikh Sallah Dargah and Dhakta (Junior) Sheikh Sallah Dargah, based on who came first. Today, the Thorla Dargah sits amidst modern buildings in Kumbharwada. A narrow lane leads you to this well-maintained shrine, a peaceful spot holding centuries of history. The Dhakta Dargah holds its ground right next to the iconic Shaniwarwada, just beside Dengle Bridge – two ancient spiritual anchors in the heart of modern Pune. ---- A regular contributor to New Age Islam, Sahil Razvi is a research scholar specialising in Sufism and Islamic History. He is an alumnus of Jamia Millia Islamia. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/faith-anchors-pune-dargahs/d/136047 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Tuesday, July 1, 2025

The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light) Part-2: An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part Three

By Muhammad Yunus, New Age Islam (Co-author (Jointly with Ashfaque Ullah Syed), Essential Message of Islam, Amana Publications, USA, 2009) 1 July 2025 Section-3. Battle Of Badr (624 Ad): 158. Venue of the battle: The battle was fought near the well of Badr, some 35 miles or three stages (overnight halt) from Medina en-route Mecca, which lay a further 215 miles (nine stages) to the south. As the Qur’an records the Prophet set forth (on a mission) at the order of his Lord in the cause of the truth. Some (of his followers) were averse to it (not knowing the destination) (8:5). Allah promised them one of the two hosts; they hoped to encounter the unarmed one (8:7). Meanwhile, a Quraysh unarmed trading caravan, rich with merchandise, was on its way back to Mecca. When the news of the Prophet’s departure from Medina reached Mecca through travellers, the Quraysh assumed that the Muslims were planning to raid their trading caravan. So they hastily dispatched an army to defend their caravan. The Quraysh knew that the Prophet could only bring those of his followers who had migrated from Mecca, and therefore they could be no match to their army in strength, equipment and combat capability. So, its leader set off boastfully taking the expedition as an easy way to fame (8:47) 158.1 The Muslims were averse to fighting: Until this stage of the revelation (early Medinite period) the Qur’an’s message was completely non-violent. Its verses spoke about a whole range of noble virtues – mercy. Compassion, forgiveness, unremitting patience in the face of adversity, trust in Allah’s help and so forth as reviewed in the preceding pages. So the Prophet’s followers wavered in their minds about the moral justification of fighting. To address their concerns, the Qur’an offered a rationale for defensive combat, emphasizing the need to resist oppression and protect the vulnerable while adhering to the ethical principles of justice." • “Fighting is prescribed for you though you dislike it. But you may dislike a thing, which is good for you, while you may like something, which is bad for you. (Remember,) Allah is Aware (of what is good and what is bad for you), whereas you do not know” (2:216). • “What is amiss with you (Ma Lakum) that you that you refuse to fight in the cause of God (justice) when the oppressed among men, women, and children implore, “Our Lord, deliver us from this town of oppressive people, and appoint for us from You a protector and appoint for us from You a helper. (4:75)? Those who believe fight in the cause of God, while the oppressors (Kafaru) fight in the cause of tyranny. So, fight against Satan’s allies; surely, Satan’s strategies are weak” (4:76). Meanwhile, the Quraysh were greatly alarmed at Muhammad’s turn of fortune. Hearing reports that Muhammad had left (or was planning to leave) Medina with his followers to attack their trading caravan returning home with goods from Syria past Medina, they sent a powerful army to eliminate them, once and for all. The stage was set for the first major battle in Islam. 159. Camping for battle and unhindered passage of trading caravan: The Prophet’s followers camped at one end of the valley (of Badr), while the Quraysh army approached from the other end, and their trading caravan passed close by unnoticed as Allah had willed (8:42). The unhindered journey of the trading caravan possibly owed itself to the topography of the camping site that rendered it out of sight to the Prophet’s followers. 160. The Prophet’s biographer’s speculation on the Prophet’s intentions. Despite the Qur’an’s intriguing silence about the destiny of the Prophet’s mission, his traditional biographers unwittingly credit him with secretly planning to raid ‘the unarmed one’ – the yearly trading caravan returning home (Mecca). As it happens, in real life, through constant repetition, this speculative reporting became a historical fact – as claimed by the Muslim admirers of the Prophet keen to project him as a brilliant military planner. The truth is, if the Prophet’s plan had remained secret in his lifetime lest his integrity could be questioned, how could this be revealed after his death for anybody can attribute any scheme or plan to a deceased leader who can more affirm or deny it. So the suggestion of the Prophet maintaining silence about his alleged scheme could be a mere speculation to credit the Prophet with military wisdom to at least notionally balance his military short-comings. The Quraysh’s military target was the growing community of Muslims in Medina that could have numbered only in hundreds (300 as per classical records) that the attackers could be run over in the opening engagements of the combat. Hence the story-tellers needed to invest the Prophet with some military planning and credibility to befit his role as the head of the weak defending army. 161. The Prophet had a reassuring dream: “The Prophet had a dream in which he saw the Meccans small in number. Had the Prophet seen their full strength, and disclosed it, many of his followers would have been disheartened and would have disputed over the decision (of fighting with the Quraysh army) (8:43). 162. The Prophet’s followers were horrified facing a large Meccan army: As they saw the large Meccan army face to face, the Prophet’s followers were struck with horror (8:6) without realizing that it was Allah’s scheme to verify the truth of His Words (scheme) and to cut the root of the pagans (8:7). 163. Divine inspiration to prepare them to fight: The Prophet’s followers were inspired with the hope that Allah will help them with one thousand angels, one after another. But Allah had instilled this hope in their hearts merely to reassure them (8:9-10) as they were overtaken by the terror of facing the powerful Quraysh fighters – practically all of them were known to them as their erstwhile tribesmen (Quraysh). Allah covered them with drowsiness as security from the divine and showered rains to refresh them with it, to drive from them the defilement of Satan, and to strengthen their hearts and make their feet steady (8:11) 164. Moment of engagement: As the two armies met Allah made the Meccan army seem trifling in the eyes of the Prophet’s followers just as He made the Muslims appear to be of little concern to the Meccans (8:44). The revelation commanded the Prophet to inspire his followers and assure them that if they persevered patiently, they would overcome the attackers, even if they were twice or ten times as many (8:65/66). 165. The attackers suffered many casualties “The devil who had assured the attackers of success turned around, and absolved himself of all his responsibilities and stood in terror of Allah (8:48). Thirteen very prominent and well known Quraysh leaders (named in the Prophet’s classical biography) were killed marking the decline of Qur’aysh reputation as a mighty tribe and the rise of Islam as an emerging power. The revelation tells the Quraysh, if they wanted a judgment it was before them, and warns them to desist from any further attack and declares that their army, however large, will avail them nothing (8:19). 166. The Muslims are consoled over the killing of their own next of kin. To console the Muslims at the killing of their next of kin and relatives who were among the slain leaders of the attackers (who were from their own tribe) the revelation declares that Allah had ordained the killing to test the believers, and to thwart the evil design of the pagans (8:17/18). 167. The Prophet is reproved for taking captives: The Muslims won a decisive victory and took many captives. The revelation, however, reproves the Prophet for taking captives before subduing the Quraysh (8:67). The Prophet is asked to tell the captives that if Allah recognizes any good in their hearts, He will give them better than what was taken from them (8:70). 168. Distribution of the spoils of war: The revelation prescribed a fifth share for Allah and the Messenger, and the rest for relatives, orphans, the needy and the stranded travellers (8:41) This verse followed up on the verse 8:1 which states: “The spoils belong to Allah and the Messenger.” There is no other verse in the Qur’an on the subject. 169. Unforeseen rise in the Prophet’s political influence: The victory at Badr lent a political dimension to the Prophet’s role as an arbiter of disputes and established him as a powerful political leader. It also strengthened the faith of the believers and cast terror into the hearts of the Quraysh. Thus, the Battle of Badr was not just a military encounter, but a pivotal moment of faith, divine guidance, and moral trial for the early Muslim community. 170. Conspiratorial role of the hypocrites: The rising political influence of the Prophet and the steady growth of Islam as a new egalitarian and monotheistic Arab order threatened the tribal leaders of Medina. Though they had embraced faith, they now openly denied and ridiculed the revelation (4:140) and conspired with the Meccans to launch a massive attack against the Muslims of Medina to expel them from their town and govern it themselves. The Qur’an refers to them as hypocrites (see 152 above). 171. Change in the role of the Prophet from preacher to defender of Islam: As the Meccans were preparing for a war on Medina targeting the followers of the Prophet, the revelation “asked them (Muslims of Medina) to prepare with whatever arms and cavalry they could muster, to strike terror (into the hearts of) the enemies of Allah and theirs (8:60) and to avert fighting if their enemies were inclined toward peace.”(8:61). Also Read (Previous Parts of Part One): The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part One The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Two The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Three The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Four The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Five The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Six The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Seven The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition Of Qur’anic Guidance In Its Own Words - Part Eight The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part Nine The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part Ten The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light): An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part Eleven ------ Parts of Part Two: The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light) Part-2: An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part One The Qur’an – Nurun ‘Ala Nur (Light Upon Light) Part-2: An Exposition of Qur’anic Guidance in Its Own Words - Part Two ----- Muhammad Yunus, a Chemical Engineering graduate from Indian Institute of Technology, and a retired corporate executive has been engaged in an in-depth study of the Qur’an since early 90’s, focusing on its core message. He has co-authored the referred exegetic work, which received the approval of al-Azhar al-Sharif, Cairo in 2002, and following restructuring and refinement was endorsed and authenticated by Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl of UCLA, and published by Amana Publications, Maryland, USA, 2009. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/books-documents/quran-nurun-nur-light-part-2-quranic-guidance-part-three/d/136041 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The Need of Skills Development Programme in the Religious Schools

By Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam 1 July 2025 Students should be taught what is expected in today’s pluralistic society, and why the study of religions (comparative religion) is important Main Points: 1. Allah has gifted human beings with numerous talents and abilities. 2. Wise societies and responsible institutions always value talents. 3. Unemployment is rising in our country, and to make it worse, even the most capable individuals are left behind. 4. Students should be taught what is expected in today’s pluralistic society, ----- (From Files) ----- It is a universally accepted truth that Allah has gifted human beings with numerous talents and abilities. The discoveries and inventions we see around us today are the result of this human potential and skill. These abilities not only benefit the individual but also contribute positively to society. Skilled and talented individuals become role models for others, especially for the youth. Wise societies and responsible institutions always value such talents. They not only respect experienced individuals but also provide opportunities for further growth. When societies acknowledge talent and skill without discrimination, it leads to harmony, balance, and a peaceful environment. Unfortunately, many young people today are trapped in confusion and difficult situations. Their natural abilities should have been used for the development of the country and society, but instead, these talents are being wasted. In some cases, these youth are being shaped in a way that leads to unrest and uncertainty in society. To bring back the lost glory and secure the future of the nation, we must equip the youth with noble thoughts and positive ideologies. But we must also ask—how many talented individuals are being denied opportunities due to favouritism or internal politics? Many capable youth are victims of injustice and exploitation. In contrast, there are societies and countries that assign roles purely based on merit and talent, without caring for personal connections. Western societies have made remarkable progress in science, inventions, and modern technologies because they value knowledge and skills above all else. Unemployment is rising in our country, and to make it worse, even the most capable individuals are left behind. One major reason is the lack of proper guidance and training for the youth. It is our moral responsibility to guide them correctly. We live in a time of specialization. Therefore, students should be trained in such a way that they emerge as experts in their respective fields. As Professor Mohammad Saud Alam Qasmi rightly said: “Although our students possess many good qualities, only those societies and scholars survive and lead that focus on one specific field and master it.” In today’s era, it's important to introduce skills development programs in religious seminaries (madrasas). Some institutions have begun to show awareness, but the efforts are still not enough. Since modern demands have changed, the training in madrasas must also evolve. Students should be taught what is expected in today’s pluralistic society, and why the study of religions (comparative religion) is important. India is a hub of religions and philosophies. Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism—all originated here. Understanding them is essential today. Madrasas should aim to produce scholars who are experts in world religions. In the past, great scholars like Al-Biruni, Masudi, Yaqoobi, Khwaja Hasan Nizami, and Abu Rahmat Hasan Meeruti made significant contributions in this field. But today, the tradition of research in comparative religion in madrasas has almost disappeared. It must be revived. Similarly, many students are interested in journalism and media. Proper training should be given, and expert lectures should be arranged regularly. Our lack of presence in the media results in false accusations and injustices against us. Unless we have proper representation in the media, we will continue to suffer. Madrasas also need to focus on economics and finance. Great scholars of the past wrote extensively on these subjects. For example, Ibn Nadim in Al-Fihrist and Hajji Khalifa in Kashf al-Zunun listed many books on economics. Many Urdu writers have also contributed to this field. Sadly, this tradition is now declining in religious institutions, and we must rethink this neglect. In summary, madrasas are the backbone of society’s moral and intellectual guidance. Society looks up to them. Therefore, it's crucial that they modernize their approach according to the needs of the time. Despite having a glorious history in all branches of knowledge and science, our institutions hesitate to adopt those very skills today. If we want to preserve our identity and prove our worth, we must prepare academically and plan strategically. In conclusion, students of madrasas are full of potential. Their talents and skills can benefit society greatly—but only if they are trained as experts in various modern fields. Regular lectures by professionals can help refine their research abilities and build their future. This will not only brighten their lives but also allow them to contribute meaningfully to society. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-society/skills-development-religious-schools/d/136040 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Gaza Humanitarian Foundation a Part of American and Zionist Conspiracy against Gazans

By New Age Islam Staff Writer 1 July 2025 GHF has links to ISIS, CIA and former Blackwater Main Points: 1. Blackwater had massacred Iraqis in Nisour Square in Sep 2007. 2. Trump had granted pardon to all four blackwater convicts. 3. The same modus operandi is being followed in Gaza. 4. GHF is killing Gazans with impunity from Trump administration. 5. ISIS is operating with GHF. ---- (From Files) ----- Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has got prominence recently when the UN Human Rights Commission and the health authorities in Gaza disclosed the shocking fact that it has killed 550 aid seekers of Gaza at the pretext of self-defence. It means it killed 15 persons including hungry children daily. The number of the injured persons is reportedly 4000. The Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported that Israeli political leadership ordered the officers and soldiers of the IDF to shoot the aid seekers without any provocation. To understand why an NGO entrusted with the task of distributing aid in the form of food, medicines and toiletries to the hungry and unarmed people of Gaza will fire at them killing and injuring them on a daily basis, a look at its origin and background will be helpful. It was all executed according to a well thought out plan with an eye on the future plan of Israel in Gaza. In February this year, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) was registered as an NGO in Switzerland. It was again registered in Delaware by an American Lawyer named James Cundiff who owns a private military firm Safe Age Solutions. Safe Age Solutions is run by a former CIA para military chief Phillip P. Reilly. Mr Reilly has worked with the private security firm Blackwater. Interestingly, Blackwater's name and ownership has been changed twice after it massacred 17 Iraqi's and injured 20 on September 16, 2007 at the Nisour Square of Baghdad. Now it operates with its current name Constellis. The armed guards of Blackwater had shot Iraqis while escorting a US embassy convoy. In 2014, Blackwater employees were tried and convicted for murder and massacre in a US federal court. But in 2020, the then President of the US Donald Trump granted pardon to all the four convicts.(He has been claiming Nobel Peace Prize for these black deeds). The UN experts had criticised Trump's pardon as a violation of international law and human rights at a global level. But the lives of Iraqis and Palestinians do not matter much to Trump. Blackwater changed its name twice after the massacre. Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu ignored the UN's opposition to GHF as the aid distribution agency in Gaza. The UN observed that a private NGO will not operate according to international humanitarian standards impartially and neutrally. But under the pressure of the US, the GHF started its operations in Gaza on May 27, 2025. But just a day before, the GHF's Executive Director Jake Wood resigned saying that he would not be able to discharge his duties with impartiality, neutrality and uder humanitarian principles. Probably, he had come to know about the actual agenda behind the GHF. Initially, the GHF had said that the Israeli soldiers will not be present near the aid distribution centres. Initially four distribution centres would be set up and each centre will cover a population of 300,000. It wil, therefore, cater to the needs of 1.2 million Gazans. Later, the number of centres was doubled but all the centres were set up in central and southern Gaza with the objective of gradually relocating the population towards the south. It should be recalled that during the beginning of Israel's ground offensive, the IDF divided the Gaza strip into two zones and asked the Gazans to relocate to the south. Together with Israel, Trump decided to use aid distribution to relocate the Gazans to the South. Therefore, the registration of the GHF was done in a hurry. Last week, Trump announced a grant of $30 million to the GHF. The Israeli government spends $140 million a month on it. The militarised mechanism of GHF has been criticised by the UN and other humanitarian bodies as the GHF employs former US military personnel who remain present at the aid distribution centres along with the IDF soldiers with automatic rifles and hand grenades. They are trigger happy and fire at hungry aid seekers at will. They herd them like animals. The GHF guards and IDF soldiers create chaos and confusion and then fire at them.at the pretext of security concerns. The IDF blames Hamas for the situation. It says that Hamas loots the aid meant for the Gazans, an allegation Hamas and Gaza's tribal clans have denied.The UN and other NGOs have said that Hamas has not looted the aid trucks but the Abu Shabab group has looted them. On the contrary, the opposition leaders of Israel like Yair Lapid and Lieberman have accused Netanyahu of using the ISIS affiliated Gaza group Popular Forces or Anti-Terror Service led by the drug smuggler turned terrorist Yasser Abu Shabab by supplying arms to them. Even Israeli authorities have admitted to have supplied arms to Abu Shabab. This group attacks the aid trucks of the UN. It has also been accused of firing at Gazans together with the IDF soldiers. The Abu Shabab group has a strength of three hundred criminals. Now, the Gaza authorities have made yet another revelation about the shady and nefarious activities of the GHF in Gaza. They said that the GHF has smuggled an addictive synthetic painkiller called Oxycodon in the flour bags into Gaza. The authorities have expressed their concerns over their ill effects on the health of the Gazans. This is obviously an attempt to turn the Gazans into drug addicts. Now, with the disclosures, the real game of the US and Israel in Gaza has become fully exposed. Therefore, the GHF has come forward to save its image. It has released a statement today that Hamas has killed 12 of its workers. It has announced bounties on the heads of its workers. The question is: Why have the people associated with the CIA, Blackwater and the US military been involved in an NGO entrusted with the aid distributing work in Gaza and why does Israel control the aid distribution work if it poses a security threat to its soldiers and ex -military personnel of the US when the UN did not approve of it? The massacre of 550 people of Gaza should be investigated as a war crime and the IDF soldiers, officers and military contractors of the US should be held accountable in the same way as the security guards of Blackwater had been tried and convicted for the Nisour Sqauare massacre. It is obvious that the presence of ex-military personnel in Gaza is not for the smooth aid distribution in Gaza but for political and military operations to be executed in near future. The arming of the ISIS linked Popular Forces by Netanyahu seems to be the part of the same game. Netanyahu has already ordered Gazans to.leave Gaza for a fresh offensive against Hamas. Therefore, the GHF has been exposed as a shady organisation used to fulfil the objectives of Israel. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-politics/gaza-humanitarian-american-zionist-gazans/d/136039 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Repeat A Lie Often Enough And It Becomes The Truth

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 1 July 2025 “Hindu Society Will Not Tolerate Spit-Jihad Or Urine-Jihad: VHP Warns Ahead Of ‘Kanwar Yatra Symbol Of “National Unity And Harmony.” News in NAI I've been writing right from the beginning that spit-jihad and urine-jihad are Hindutva constructs of recent times. Muslims, or for that matter, no one, regardless of any faith, would ever stoop to this level as to urinate and spit on food to desecrate it. First of all, the question is: What'll one get out of it? Are Muslims so imbecile as to think that if they spit and urinate on food items and offer them to the Hindus, the religion of a Hindu will be defiled? Ridiculous, to say the least. Prior to 2014, no one ever heard of these stupid terms like spit-jihad and urine-jihad. Granted, love-jihad did exist and it had a semblance of truth to it when a few Muslim guys would indeed marry Hindu girls and then force those girls to embrace Islam. While love-jihad cannot be pooh-poohed, spit-jihad and urine-jihad are just plain lies and fabrications by the militant Hindu outfits. These terms, a play on "Love-Jihad," imply that "Thook-Jihad" and 'Peshaab-Jihad' aim to contaminate Hindus by spitting and urinating in their food. During the Covid-19 pandemic, fake videos emerged on social media showing Muslims spitting, sneezing, or licking objects to spread the virus. These videos fuelled religious polarization, with Hindu hardline accounts promoting anti-Muslim rhetoric. I read somewhere that Hindus believe that pelting with spit (as it is with stones) is an instrument of jihad. Thus, Thook Jihad is an 'essential' part of Islam because it was practised by the founder of that religion, and it is therefore a practice enjoined on his followers as a religious practice! Needless to say, this is a blatant fib. The ignorant Hindus of today think that spitting on a Kafir or on food for a Kafir keeps satanic forces at bay and, by extension, spitting on a But-Parast, an idol worshipper, is a sure means of reminding them (Hindus) of their ranking as among ‘‘the worst of created beings. " They also believe that this religious practice had evolved and expanded into bioterrorism against Hindus, to wilfully spread the coronavirus amongst them (Hindus). This makes one laugh. Hindus have gone to the extent of believing that the celebrity hair stylist Jawed Habib spits on women’s heads! Readers remember that when Lata Mangeshkar passed away a couple of years ago and Shah Rukh Khan went to pay his last respects to 'The Nightingale' during her last journey, he was accused of spitting at her mortal remains. It was a huge lie. Why'd Shah Rukh spit at Lata? But the problem is that even 'educated' Hindus believe that the Muslims are capable of doing all these reprehensible things and indulging in obnoxious practices. Spread these canards against a beleaguered community 24X7. Don't they say, repeat a lie often enough and it becomes the truth? ----- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/lie-often-enough-truth/d/136036 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism