Monday, February 1, 2016

ISIS Supporters In The Delivery Room!: New Age Islam's Selection,1 February 2016




New Age Islam Edit Bureau
1 February 2016
ISIS Supporters in the Delivery Room!
By Turki Al-Dakhil
Why the Syria Talks Remind Me of The Oslo Process
By Marwan Bishara
Kurds in Turkey: Caught In The Crossfire
By David Lepeska
Western Powers Shamefully Kowtow To Iran
By Khalaf Ahmad Al Habtoor
Where Is The West's Compassion And Condemnation Following Terror Attacks In Middle East?
By Eva Bartlett
Compiled By New Age Islam Edit Bureau
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ISIS Supporters in the Delivery Room!
By Turki Al-Dakhil
31 January 2016
We should be thankful that the Friday’s terrorist attack on Imam Rida mosque – located in the Mahasen neighbourhood of al-Ahsa region in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia – failed to achieve what it was intended for. If the attack had gone according to plan, the loss of lives and damages would have been far worse.
The Board of Senior Ulema condemned the attack and said that remaining silent in the wake of such heinous crimes are not an option. The late King Abdullah once said: “He who remains silent over these (terrorist) people’s acts is one of them.” Some of those who remain silent are in fact supporters of ISIS and are waiting to be born.
ISIS is trying to incite strife between Shiites and Sunnis in Saudi Arabia
ISIS wants to force Shiites in Saudi Arabia away from their homeland by targeting them and pushing them to join certain elements outside of the country. However, it will not succeed at doing so.
It will not succeed because the Saudi Arabia will defend its land by standing against the enemy and its organizations. In 2001, the al-Qaeda strategy was to exploit Saudis and use them for marginal roles in the Sept. 11 terror attacks with the aim of harming Saudi-American relations.
Creating The Divide
Today, the ISIS is doing the same by trying to incite strife between Shiite and Sunni Saudis. They are trying to create rift between Shiites and the Saudi state.
When Juhayman al-Otaybi’s group stormed the Grand Mosque in 1979, Islamic scholar Mohammad Nasiruddin al-Albani condemned the attack against worshippers. “This is a crime even if carried out in the desert, let alone in the house of God.”
In the year 1994, Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, the intellectual godfather of al-Qaeda, authorized for terror groups to target mosques and worshipers. In other words, they have targeted everything Islam seeks to protect, the self, faith, dignity, intelligence and resources.
What caliphate do they speak of? Which doctrine do they defend? “May Allah destroy them; how are they deluded?”
Turki Al-Dakhil is the General Manager of Al Arabiya News Channel. He began his career as a print journalist, covering politics and culture for the Saudi newspapers Okaz, Al-Riyadh and Al-Watan. He then moved to pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat and pan-Arab news magazine Al-Majalla. Turki later became a radio correspondent for the French-owned pan-Arab Radio Monte Carlo and MBC FM. He proceeded to Elaph, an online news magazine and Alarabiya.net, the news channel’s online platform. Over a ten-year period, Dakhil’s weekly Al Arabiya talk show “Edaat” (Spotlights) provided an opportunity for proponents of Arab and Islamic social reform to make their case to a mass audience. Turki also owns Al Mesbar Studies and Research Centre and Madarek Publishing House in Dubai. He has received several awards and honors, including the America Abroad Media annual award for his role in supporting civil society, human rights and advancing women’s roles in Gulf societies. He tweets @TurkiAldakhil.
Source: english.alarabiya.net/en/views/2016/01/31/ISIS-supporters-in-the-delivery-room-.html
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Why the Syria Talks Remind Me of The Oslo Process
By Marwan Bishara
31 Jan 2016
On the day the Geneva talks on Syria were set to begin, France announced it intends to hold a new round of Oslo talks on Palestine. The Oslo Process has gone on for almost a quarter of a century but Palestine remains under Israel occupation.
Will the Syria peace talks face a similar fate - long on talk, short on peace?
My crystal ball isn't responding with its usual clarity, but what is becoming clear is an eerie resemblance between the forces, dynamics and diplomatic jargon that characterise both Geneva and Oslo.
There are similarities and differences but when it comes to the scope of the violence and the ineffectiveness of diplomacy, the similarities are all too shocking even before the Geneva talks get underway.
On Violence
Like Israel, the Assad regime has imprisoned, tortured, starved, killed, and bombed neighbourhoods, but the barrel-bombing of towns is Bashar al-Assad's ingenuity and should be trademarked accordingly.
Since the peaceful Syrian uprising began in 2011, the regime in Damascus has grabbed more than a page from Israel's occupation manuals. He labeled the peace demonstrators foreign-backed terrorists. He even called them "germs" (leading to cries of solidarity between Syria's "germs" and Libya's "rats").
It's perhaps coincidental that the Assad dictatorship has been in control of Syria since a year after Israel occupied the rest of Palestine in 1967, but it's been no less tragic.
Like Israelis who "shoot and cry", Assad & co. also bomb and lament. Their cynicism has proven without bounds as they pride themselves on killing "terrorists" as they destroy a whole nation, and in the case of Assad, it's his own people. 
A quarter of a million Syrians have already died in Assad's war, which also resulted in the displacement and exodus of half of its population. In four years, Assad forces killed more people than Israel killed Palestinians in four decades.
And unlike the Israeli leaders who never accepted foreign forces, not even US forces or air forces were ever allowed to deploy in Israeli controlled areas, Assad has evidently been trigger happy that Iran, Hezbollah and Russia have all accepted his invitation to deploy. Together, they helped destroy the country in order to save the regime.
For these and other sinister reasons, Assad has lost all legitimacy, even as a sovereign dictator. For all practical purposes, he, his forces and his allies are behaving like an illegal occupying force, or worse.
The Geneva talks come against the backdrop of US failure in Iraq and Russian and Iranian military interventions that are tipping the balance of power in favour of the Assad regime.
Like In Diplomacy
Diplomatic processes compare and contrast depending on a number of variables, but in essence, diplomacy is a reflection of balance (or imbalance) of power. (And when it comes to the Middle East, you could add the balance of bullsh*t - a powerful diplomatic tool that the Israelis and Assad often use.)
The Madrid and later the Oslo "peace process" started against the backdrop of the Soviet Union's loss of the Cold War and Moscow's realignment with Washington's policies, which favoured Israel.
The Geneva talks come against the backdrop of US  failure in Iraq  and  Russian and Iranian military interventions that are tipping the balance of power in favour of the Assad regime.
Washington's   complicity   and its realignment with Moscow made it possible to pass UN Security Council Resolution 2254 that frames these talks in favour of the Assad regime.
Like the Oslo process, the sponsors of the Geneva talks say there should be no preconditions for the Syria talks.
For the Palestinians, that basically meant continued Jewish settlement expansion on their land, continued occupation and the incarceration of thousands of political prisoners etc. For Syrians, it means continued bombardment, and imprisonment under Assad's rule.
In reality, however, there are preconditions. Like the Palestinians, the Syrian opposition must denounce and renounce "terrorism" if they are to join the talks, but the regime is invited as a legitimate partner in the these talks despite its continued "terrorism" in the form of aerial bombardment and the starvation of whole communities.
For the Syrians like the Palestinians, the objectives of the talks have been blurred and the road to achieve them marred with ambiguity and this only serves the Israeli and Syrian regimes.
In that way, the end of all occupation and the establishment of a Palestinian state were omitted from the Oslo process. And for Syrians, neither 2254 nor the official invitation to the Geneva talks, mention the need for Assad to go.
Indeed, like in Palestine where the PLO was forced to share power with the Israeli occupation until it acquiesces to Israeli dictates and accepts restrictions on its sovereignty, the Syrian opposition is now expected to share power with Assad in some form of "unity government", instead of the original understanding agreed upon in Geneva-1, that stipulates a transitional ruling body with executive powers without Assad.
An overview of the room where UN mediator Staffan de Mistura and the Syrian ambassador to the UN opened the Syrian peace talks at the UN headquarters in Geneva [Reuters]
In both cases, the ultimate objective of the talks is neither freedom nor justice, but rather "combating terrorism".
As with the condition and objectives of the talks, there are also increasing similarities in the diplomatic jargon.
Proximity talks, no preconditions, moderate (and not-so-moderate) representation, Washington guarantees, multi-track discussions, simultaneous meetings, flexible framework, etc., might be familiar concepts in international diplomacy, but in Palestine and Syria, these are only meant to avoid pressuring the Israelis or the Assads to do the right thing: leave.
Even the role of the envoys is no less eerie. Unlike his predecessors, Kofi Annan and Lakhdar Brahimi, Staffan de Mistura is already behaving like a crossway between a scheming Dennis Ross and a bombastic Tony Blair.
Learning the Right Lessons
Why the impatience? Why not wait until the process gets underway to pass judgments? The same questions were also asked when the Oslo process began.
Since it's power that ultimately determines the outcome of diplomacy, unless the imbalance of power behind the Syria talks is rectified, Geneva, like Oslo, is doomed to fail.
By adopting a similar approach to Syria, one assumes the US and Russia have failed to learn the lessons of Oslo; a failed process that lasted over two decades and achieved more of the same failures and violence.
But  perhaps they did learn the lessons, albeit the wrong lessons. Long diplomatic processes, like proxy wars, are indispensable tools for prolonging their hegemony over the Middle East region.
Marwan Bishara is the senior political analyst at Al Jazeera.
Source: aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2016/01/syria-talks-remind-oslo-process-geneva-palestine-160131120716373.html
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Kurds in Turkey: Caught In The Crossfire
By David Lepeska
31 Jan 2016
Early one morning in Diyarbakir last October, Halil Tuzuner, a 31-year-old construction worker, was on his roof tending to his pigeons when a bullet from a Turkish military assault team on the street below pierced his back and took his life. His stunned, pregnant wife Hulya found him minutes later.
Soon after, the newly-widowed mother-of-three gathered her young sons and moved to new lodgings on the edge of central Diyarbakir - or Sur, as the old city is known - and did her best to start over.
"It's so difficult", the 25-year-old said during a recent interview, sitting on the carpeted floor of her modest new home as her sons clambered all over her, and her now one-month-old daughter slept in the next room. "You can't understand how difficult it is without him. I haven't even been able to go to the cemetery to visit him."
For two months now, the heart of Diyarbakir, a city of a million people and the de facto Kurdish capital of Turkey, has been under 24-hour curfew and near-constant military assault. Some 20,000 people have fled, 1,500 shops have closed or been destroyed, and 10,000 people have been put out of work, according to local estimates.
Both Sides to Blame
Those who remain face limited water and electricity and are largely trapped in their homes due to regular blasts and the rat-tat-tat of gunfire. Hulya has barely left the house in months. Thankfully, Halil's older brother, Aziz, who has three children and lives nearby, has been helping her, caring for his brother's kids as if they were as his own. Like Hulya, he's tired of the fighting between the Turkish state and Kurdish militants.
Despite their frustrations, young Kurdish fighters need to stop declaring self-rule and commandeering urban districts, while the PKK would be wise to stop bombing police stations. And with no elections on the horizon, Turkey's leaders should stop politicising the Kurdish conflict, pull back in the southeast and resume peace talks.
"Both sides are just playing for their own nationalism, and both have their reasons," he said. "They might be right, they might be wrong - but both sides are killing people. And we, the people who live here, are in the middle of it. The minute we stop moving, we become targets."
There have been a lot of targets in cities across the region. Turkey's Human Rights Association says nearly 200 civilians have been killed, including 33 children. Ankara says since December 2015, it has killed more than 600 fighters from the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK, which Turkey, the United States, and the European Union have labelled a terrorist organisation.
More than 100,000 people have been displaced, and entire neighbourhoods destroyed. Recent images out of Sur, Cizre, and Silopi invoke the devastation of neighbouring Syria. It all started last August, when Kurdish activists declared autonomous zones in cities across the southeast.
Ankara responded with a harsh crackdown, prompting young militants linked to the PKK to secure central urban districts, digging trenches, building makeshift barricades and commandeering shops and apartments to defend territory they see as under self-rule.
The Turkish state turned the screws, implementing 24-hour curfews and dispatching tanks, urban assault vehicles and waves of troops to root them out, street by street. "You will be annihilated in those houses, those buildings, those ditches which you have dug," President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said recently, warning that military operations would continue until the area had been "cleansed" of "terrorists".
Reminiscent Of The Past
Turkey and the PKK have fought an off-and-on war since 1984, and in that time, no government had made as much progress towards peace as that of Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP).
But after two years of negotiations, the violence resumed last July, when Kurdish militants assassinated two policeman days after a bombing in Suruc killed 33 people who had come to help rebuild the besieged Syrian Kurdish city of Kobane.
Now, the two sides seem farther apart than they've been in decades. Kemal Oyman has been repairing watches in Sur for 35 years, and has never seen violence like this in Diyarbakir. "Both sides are to blame," says the 68-year-old. "I hope it will get better soon."
But chances of the situation improving are slim. Last Wednesday, Turkey extended the curfew to five new neighbourhoods in Sur, after which dozens of families were seen lugging their belongings through the old city's massive, UNESCO-listed stone walls, heading for safer ground.
Among Kurds in Diyarbakir, the consensus seems to be that, rather than undermining the militants and muting anti-Turkey sentiment among Kurds, Ankara's recent operations in the southeast have inflamed it.
"Everything changed with this kind of operations, especially among the people in these neighbourhoods," said veteran Kurdish journalist Vecdi Erbay. "Now there's more anger. Also, these fighters getting killed, and their bodies in the street, just lying there, for days - this is something people won't forget."
On such instance is the death of Mesut Seviktek, whose dead body laid on a Sur street for three weeks, inspiring his brother Ihsan - as well as his mother and sister - to go on a 20-day hunger strike. Finally, the state allowed the family to collect Seviktek's body and bury him. Ihsan's eldest son, a 14-year-old, recently left home to join the fighting, following in the footsteps of two of Ihsan's younger brothers.
"I have six children and eleven younger sisters and brothers, and if all of them made the same decision. I would support them because all of them are slaves here," says Ihsan, a 42-year-old shopkeeper. "We never know when or how we will die, but at least this way it is honourable. We won't fall on our knees for the AKP government."
Negotiations, No More
The militants' tactics seem to have had a similar impact on Turkey's leaders. Erdogan has said the state would "bring the whole world down" on those who seek autonomy, and that from now on, neither the PKK nor any related political party would be accepted as a negotiating partner. "That affair is over," he told a group of village heads visiting his presidential palace.
Ankara's determination to beat back the Kurds has given the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) group room to operate, resulting in at least three major attacks over the past seven months. Consider the way Erdogan focused on the PKK in the speech he delivered just after the January 12 attack in Istanbul. Or how he all but dismissed pro-Kurdish politician and activist Leyla Zana's recent request for a one-on-one meeting.
Despite their frustrations, young Kurdish fighters need to stop declaring self-rule and commandeering urban districts, while the PKK would be wise to stop bombing police stations. And with no elections on the horizon, Turkey's leaders should stop politicising the Kurdish conflict, pull back in the southeast and resume peace talks.
This will enable its military, security, and intelligence bodies to focus on the greater threat, ISIL, and the root issue, Syria. Otherwise, the divide will only deepen, spurring another generation to take up the gun against Ankara.
Somehow, Ihsan Seviktek can still see the two sides sitting down again. "This war mentality belongs to the AKP government, not the Turkish people," he said. "That's why I have hope, because I know there are millions and millions of people in this country that want peace, not war."
David Lepeska is a freelance journalist based in Istanbul. His work focuses on Turkey and the Middle East.
Source: aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2016/01/kurds-turkey-caught-crossfire-160131073950258.html
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Western Powers Shamefully Kowtow To Iran
By Khalaf Ahmad Al Habtoor
1 January 2016
Iran’s treasury is overflowing. President Hassan Rowhani, touring European capitals on a shopping spree, is being treated like royalty. Italy was so keen not to offend the sensitivities of their guest that white panels were placed around ancient statues in a museum and was rewarded for its hospitality with deals totalling over $18 billion. French government welcomed Rowhani promising a new beginning in relations prior to the mutual signing of 20 lucrative agreements worth billions.
They say money talks. This time it is shouting out loud, trumping Europe’s so-called values and its tried and trusted friends. Forgotten is Iran’s shocking human rights record along with its proxies, aggression towards Saudi Arabia and Gulf states; concerns regarding its partnership with the Syrian regime conveniently shelved. Ignored are the Ayatollah Khamenei’s chants of “Death to America” and “Death to Israel”. Glossed over are its repression of the Iranian people and its relegation of minorities, such as the Ahwazi Arabs, to third class citizen status.
It was left to ordinary citizens who took to the streets of Paris and Rome as well as children in the bombed-out Syrian city of Aleppo to vent their anger at Rowhani’s grand European tour. “Ask Iran to stop killing us in our country” read the children’s posters. But Italy and France had more important priorities. This was not the moment for finger-wagging in their view when the Iranian President was poised to sign on a whole host of dollar illuminated dotted lines.
Parallel Universe
It is as if we have woken up to find ourselves in a parallel universe where everything we hold dear has been reversed. Iran signed up to abandoning a nuclear weapons program it had binned in 2009 according to the International Atomic Energy Agency, and is promptly welcomed into the international community fold like a long lost favorite son flush with a bonanza of up to $100 billion and the opening of doors to oil, gas and trade deals.
As if the sight of European heads of state curry favoring the representative of a country considered enemy state few months ago is not humiliating enough, the United States is accepting Iran’s retorts with a virtual “Thank you, Sir!”
Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry have robbed the American people of their pride
First we hear that Iran detained 10 U.S. naval personnel whose vessel “accidentally” strayed into Iranian waters. They were made to kneel with their hands behind their heads on the deck of their own ship before being paraded on Iranian State TV to offer apologies. Quite a propaganda coup for Iranian authorities and the hordes of anti-Western hard liners! And even as Iran was milking their captives’ humiliation for all its worth, the White House assured Americans thus: “We do not see this as hostile intent. They have been well treated.”
And now we read the headlines. “Iran warned U.S. warship to leave waters near the Strait of Hormuz” is followed by a report beginning, “Iran navy warned a U.S. warship on Wednesday to leave waters in the Sea of Oman near an area where the Islamic Republic was performing military drills.” The U.S. vessel beat a hasty retreat even though it was in international waters and was later accused by Iran’s fleet commander of spying on Iran’s activities.
The question now for Saudi Arabia and Gulf states, which have been assured by President Barack Obama that their security is paramount, is how can the U.S. cooperate with us against Iranian designs when its own navy appears all at sea and its Commander-in-Chief hails the new détente and makes excuses for Iran’s behaviour?
How much pride is the most powerful country, with the strongest military on earth, willing to swallow and why is Obama doing his utmost to keep the ayatollahs pleased? It is hard to believe that the U.S. that has always flexed its muscles to save a single American citizen is now making prisoner swap deals to release seven dual nationals.
A top Iranian commander reportedly disclosed that an amount of $1.7 billion was paid in exchange for their freedom. The State Department issued a statement to the effect the amount was paid in relation to a pre-1979 case related to a sale of military equipment plus $1.3 billion in negotiated interest. That is a pretext to cover America’s long-held policy of not paying rogue states or terrorists to avoid encouraging further trouble. But when the payment was purportedly due in the 1970s, only a simpleton would forget to ask “why now?”
It is little wonder Rowhani’s smile is wide these days when billions are pouring in courtesy of the Obama administration that initiated the sanctions-lifting and the unfreezing of Iranian assets, a hefty portion of which will be spent on bolstering Iran’s military capability and militias on Arab lands.
Iran’s policies towards the West and its meddling in the affairs of Arab states remain unchanged. Its leaders’ rhetoric may have softened temporarily as they are desperate to revitalize their country’s aviation industry with new airplanes and spare parts, not to mention securing buyers for its oil and other commodities. They must be chuckling seeing the haste with which major European states are racing to re-open their embassies in Tehran while showering the Iranians with praise and invitations for state visits.
The Upper Hand
Let us face it, Iran has gained the upper hand merely because it has agreed to more intrusive IAEA monitoring for a 10-year period and has put a percentage of its centrifuges to bed. Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry have robbed the American people of their pride. They have diminished the international standing of their great nation that not so long ago inspired respect and instilled fear in the hearts of its enemies.
Obama has been widely accused of leading from behind on foreign policy. Not so today! He is the one who is being led and if GCC member states fail to recognize how the Obama administration is wittingly or unwittingly altering the regional order, I am afraid we may be being led toward disaster.
It seems an age ago since the Muslim world was excited hearing Obama’s promises made during a visit to Cairo University in 2009. He called for a new beginning between the United States and Muslims. He pledged to give Iraq to the Iraqis whereas it is a de facto province of Iran. He pledged to pursue a Palestinian state with patience and dedication, which has now been scrubbed off his “to-do” list.
He later stepped back from rescuing the Syrian people and played his part in toppling of Muammar Qaddafi before abandoning that country to armed militias and terrorists. He is now complicit in furthering Iran’s territorial and ideological ambitions.
I can only respectfully ask GCC heads of states to take a long hard look at the big picture and take decisions accordingly. If America continues to bend to Tehran’s diktats perhaps it is time to re-evaluate our relationship with Washington. A friend who plays both sides is no friend at all.
Khalaf Ahmad al-Habtoor is a prominent UAE businessman and public figure. He is Chairman of the Al Habtoor Group - one of the most successful conglomerates in the Gulf. Al Habtoor is renowned for his knowledge and views on international political affairs; his philanthropic activity; his efforts to promote peace; and he has long acted as an unofficial ambassador for his country abroad. Writing extensively on both local and international politics, he publishes regular articles in the media and has released a number of books. Al-Habtoor began his career as an employee of a local UAE construction firm and in 1970 established his own company, Al Habtoor Engineering. The UAE Federation, which united the seven emirates under the one flag for the first time, was founded in 1971 and this inspired him to undertake a series of innovative construction projects – all of which proved highly successful.
Source: english.alarabiya.net/en/views/2016/01/31/Western-powers-shamefully-kowtow-to-Iran.html
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Where Is The West's Compassion And Condemnation Following Terror Attacks In Middle East?
By Eva Bartlett
31 January, 2016
Facebook users were not instructed to do so, but may nonetheless wish to change their profile pictures in solidarity with the families and friends of victims of recent terrorist attacks.
A great many of the victims were aspiring university students, others were school teachers, children, infants, parents, and elderly. Their bodies were torn apart in the acts of violence, many unidentifiable.
Most of these innocent victims will go unnamed, their murders obfuscated, or largely unnoticed, in Western media.
Consider the following cycle of carnage:
On November 12, 2015, a double suicide bomb ripped through the Bourj al-Barajneh neighbourhood of southern Beirut, killing 45 and injuring 200 more, many critically so. The terrorists attacked just before 6 pm, on a narrow and crowded residential and commercial street, ensuring maximum loss of life. More would have been murdered had not a local man, Adel Termos, tackled an approaching suicide bomber. Termos lost his life in the blast, but saved countless others with his act of courage.
On December 12, 2015, terrorists car-bombed, then suicide-bombed, the al-Zahra’a neighbourhood of Homs, Syria, killing at least 16 civilians and injuring over 50, according to initial reports from Syrian State media (later updates noted 20 dead and over 100 injured). The deaths and destruction from the initial car-bombing—near the Ahli Hospital—was made worse since the terrorists set off their bomb next to a natural gas delivery truck. Later, a terrorist returned to the scene and detonated his explosive vest among rescuers who had come to help the injured.
This pattern repeated itself on December 28, 2015, in al-Zahra’a, where a car bomb followed by a suicide bomb, killed up to 30 civilians, and injured over 100, according to Syrian state media initial reports. Again, on January 26, terrorists car and suicide bombed al-Zahra’a, killing at least 24 and injuring over 100, many critically-so, according to Syrian state media.
The al-Zahra’a district of Homs had been terror-bombed many times prior to the December 12 attacks, as have other areas of Homs, including the Ekrama district, which suffered a school bombing on October 1, 2014. There, terrorists car and suicide-bombed next to the school, killed 45 people, mostly children and women, according to al-Masdar News. Video footage showed terrified, maimed and dead children being carried away from the school.
The terror attacks are not limited to Homs. Over the past 5 years of this foreign war on Syria, Western-backed militants have committed such acts of terrorism all over Syria. On December 30, 2015, members of Da’esh (ISIS) triple-bombed Qamishli, north-eastern Syria, remote-detonating explosives in three restaurants, killing at least 16 civilians. On January 24, 2016 Da’esh again terror-bombed the city, killing at least three people.
The list of terror attacks in Syria, and neighbouring Lebanon and Iraq, is an endless and long list. Yet, while the vast majority of the victims are civilians, their deaths do not merit the same front-page coverage as similar acts do in the West; the terror attacks do not merit the same statements of condemnation and outpouring of sorrow issued by Western leaders when terrorism strikes elsewhere.
Immense Suffering in Beirut and Homs
I paid a visit to Bourj al-Barajneh and al-Zahara, in November and December 2015, respectively. I witnessed firsthand their narrow roads with their destroyed buildings and homes, which emanated an immense suffering that most Western media glossed over.
The Bourj al-Barajneh tragedy occurred one day before the November 13 attacks in Paris, yet the latter attack on the French capital would make headlines for weeks following; Facebook users changed their profile photos to images of the French flag; world leaders – who were largely silent on Beirut’s tragedy the day prior, as well as the repeated terror attacks in Syria – convened in Paris to march in solidarity with the victims.
Western media’s coverage of the Beirut attack was loaded with sectarian lexicon, essentially relegating those murdered civilians as belonging to a “Hezbollah stronghold” or a “Shia neighbourhood,” which to Western readers obscures the fact that – while indeed proudly supportive of Hezbollah – these are everyday humans who have been targeted by terrorism.
The Shia/Sunni Lebanese area is also home to many Christian and Palestinian residents. Visiting in the evening, as when the November 12 attacks occurred, I saw heavy pedestrian, motorcycle and automobile traffic along the narrow streets and lanes that host a number of shops and stalls.
At the site of the second explosion, residents had erected a memorial and large poster of Adel Termos, the young man who gave his own life to prevent further loss of lives. On the school door opposite, a photo of a Rawan Awad, a young teacher who was killed in the attacks. A local woman pointed to second-story windows, telling me, “the blood reached the windows up there, flesh, too. The blast was huge.” It was said to be the biggest explosion in Beirut for years.
Along the memorial were photos of other victims of these terror attacks: elderly, children, young men and women, victims of Western-backed terror and Western hypocrisy. Their lives didn’t merit worldwide sorrow and solidarity.
Adel Termos, the hero who prevented further loss of lives.
Je Suis… Blind and Deaf
The sting that the Lebanese people felt when the world’s attention was focused on Paris, the day after the massacre in Beirut, is a sting that Syrians have known deeply over the past five years.
Take the example of Homs’ al-Zahra’a. Any Western media reporting that does cover the repeated terrorist bombings of the neighborhood does so in sectarian and biased lexicon.
The neighbourhood is described as: “an Alawite” area; a “government-held” area (AP).
But it is not described in terms of its reality, a district comprising a majority of Alawis, but also significant numbers of Christians, Sunnis, and Shia, many of whom are Internally Displaced Syrians who have moved to this “government held” area after fleeing the terrorists’ violence in their own home areas of Aleppo, Idlib, and elsewhere.
The depiction of al-Zahra’a merely as “an Alawaite” district is in line with the NATO alliance’s sectarian project in Syria, a sectarianism which the vast majority of Syrians continue to refuse. Depicting al-Zahra’a merely as a “government held” area feeds into the Western narrative of obfuscating on the vast amount of support for the Syrian president, and further confuses readers as to the civilian suffering at each terrorist attack in al-Zahra’a.
This human suffering I saw on a December 15, 2015 visit to the neighbourhood, meeting with family members of the dead.
On the second story of what was the shell of his home, teenager Yousef Abdullah walked me through the ruins of the three story home housing two families, outside of which the car bombing had occurred just days prior. It was he who carried out the body of his 17 year old cousin, Caroline, crushed under rubble on the ground level.
The small clothing shop on ground level belonged to Anaya Abbas, a 50, killed in the bombing. Her son, Alaa al-Hamwi, had only days prior returned to see his family. One of the Syrian soldiers defending the Kuweires airbase against terrorist attacks, the al-Hamwi family suffered doubly, from worry over their long absent son, and now from the murder of Anaya Abbas.
Visiting al-Zahra’a one sees a vividly different face, a tormented face, than that which the corporate media allows. Many human stories abound, if journalists care to convey them. The sad hypocrisy is that when terrorist attacks occur on Western soil, these human stories are conveyed, ad naseum.
Homes opposite the terrorist car bombing blast in al-Zahra’a, Homs © Eva Bartlett
UN Selective on Terrorism
Syria’s Foreign and Expatriates Ministry has repeatedly issued letters to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) requesting that such acts of terrorism in Syria be officially condemned, and that action be taken against those states supporting, financing, and enabling terrorism in Syria, namely Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The letters specify that the terrorism being committed in Syria is not only by Da’esh (ISIS) but also by other terrorist groups, including “Jebhat al-Nusra, Jaish al-Islam, al-Jabha al-Islamiya, Jaish al-Fateh, Ahrar al-Cham,” and the so-called “Free Syrian Army”.
These letters are routinely ignored by UNSC and the Secretary-General, although they are based on the tenants of UN resolutions pertaining to terrorism.
It its latest letters, following the January 24, 2016 terror-bombings in al-Zahra’a, the Ministry noted the significance of their timing with respect to the upcoming Geneva talks.
Following the December 12, 2015 attacks, the Syrian Ministry sent their standard letters, requesting condemnation of the terrorism. The request was supported by Russia, with their own draft statement, which was rejected at the UNSC.
In the Face of Terror… You’re on Your Own
When the majority of the above-listed terror bombings have been claimed by Da’ish (ISIS), whom the West claims to be fighting, the glaring lack of condemnation of the Homs bombings, and the once-off condemnation of the Beirut bombings, reveals again the blatant hypocrisy of Western leaders.
In his November 13, 2015 address, President Obama, unsurprisingly, made no mention of either Beirut or Syria’s suffering under western-backed terrorists. Instead he called the Paris situation “heartbreaking” and uttered: “…we stand together with them in the fight against terrorism and extremism.”
Not to be outdone, Vice President Biden offered his “deepest condolences” and called the attacks “heartbreaking” “outrageous” and “tragic” and vowed, “We will look out for one another. We will stand together. We will never bow. We will never break. …We will respond. We will overcome. We will endure.”
In his November 21, 2015 address, Biden, in his opening remarks did actually mention the name “Beirut”, and commented, “in the face of terror we stand as one.” Yet, his address focused primarily on Paris—the “simple human acts” carried out by Parisians post Paris attack—and made no other mention of Beirut, nor the “simple human acts” carried out there. Like Beirut residents rushing to donate blood, post-attacks, for example.
Rather than addressing Beirut’s humanity, or even deigning to mention terror attacks carried out on Syrians throughout Syria, Biden used the rest of his address to talk about Syrian refugees and the “rigorous screening”, “fingerprinting” and background checks refugees go through to enter the US. In other words, he used his platform to negate true suffering in Syria, and instead subtly indoctrinate his audience into equating Syrians with terrorism.
Obama issued a proclamation “Honouring the Victims of the Attack in Paris” on November 15, 2015, ordering the US flag to be flown “at half-staff at the White House and upon all public buildings and grounds, at all military posts,”… and so on.
In a search of the Whitehouse.gov website, using key terms like: “Bourj Barajneh”, “Burj al-Barajneh”, “Beirut”, “Zahra”, “Zahraa”, “Homs” + bombing, I came up with just one match, aside from the above-mentioned November 21VP Biden’s uttering of the name “Beirut” before his ode to Paris.
The entry was a Statement by NSC Spokesperson Ned Price, on the day of the Bourj al-Barajneh attacks. Neither Obama, nor Biden, deigned to personally make this statement.
One paragraph, the statement “condemns in the strongest terms today’s horrific terrorist attacks in Beirut, Lebanon that killed dozens and wounded hundreds more. We offer our deepest condolences to the families and other loved ones of those killed and injured in this violence. The United States will stand firm with the Government of Lebanon as it works to bring those responsible for this attack to justice….”
Compare the fiery rhetoric in the Paris statements with this meek Beirut statement. Little sorrow was expressed, nor unwavering solidarity, nor “fighting against extremism.”
Such is Western hypocrisy towards those murdered by Western-supported death squads.
Eva Bartlett is a freelance journalist and rights activist who has lived in the Gaza Strip since late 2008. She was aboard the Dignity, one of five Free Gaza missions to successfully sail to the Strip in 2008. Eva rode in ambulances during the 2008/2009 Israeli attacks on Gaza, and documented from a central Gaza hospital during the November 2012 Israeli attacks. She has worked extensively with Gaza's fishermen and farmers, accompanying them as they come under fire from the Israeli army. She keeps a blog In Gaza.
Source: countercurrents.org/bartlett310116.htm

Military-Mullah Nexus Strangling Pakistan




By Balbir Punj
01 February 2016
Unfortunately, India is yet to figure out how to empower the civilian leadership in Islamabad so that it can free Pakistan from the chokehold of the Generals and their Jihadis
On Republic Day, as India showcased the strength of its multi-party democracy as well as its military and civilian might, regrettable events occurred with regard to Pakistan, carved out of India more than 65 years ago to safeguard Muslim interests, which showed that the latter had further lost its core legitimacy. This is best brought out in  US President Barack Obama’s praise for the Indian initiative to restart the peace dialogue with Pakistan while demanding that Islamabad “delegitimise, disrupt and dismantle” terrorist networks  operating under its canopy.
The US Congress recently withheld funds to Pakistan on exactly the same issue, thereby sending the message that the US political establishment stands firmly with the President on the issue. Earlier, the futile exercise of the Pakistan Army chief knocking at every door in Washington, DC, underscored that the game is now over for all the three power centres in Pakistan the civilian Government, the Army and the terror organisations.
The US President also specified that “terrorists must be brought to justice”, something  Pakistan has failed to accomplish not only with regard to the attack on the Indian Air Force base in  Pathankot but also over long years, despite periodic assurances that the perpetrators will be punished.
Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s had given assurance to this country that his Government will take action against the terrorists from Pakistan, days after the Pathankot attack. But we are yet to see any concrete or effective action. Is it that Mr Sharif is constrained in taking action?  If so, what are his constraints and who are the real masters in his Government?
A brilliant analysis of the multiple forces working in and on the Pakistani Government has been done by well-known columnist and author Ayesha Siddiqa. Her book, Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy, has laid bare the power strings that have made the Army in that country a dominant player in decision-making.
She admits that the raison d'être for the military is its opposition to India. Now, that is no new discovery. Her country has gone through what she says is a civilian peace response to Army intervention; to stop Army influence directly or through manipulated terror an outcome over the last 60 years that, she terms as the “tragic cyclic process in which  hopeful overtures end with some act of terrorism, then tension and finally an effort to  begin again.”
The outreach of India’s then Prime Minister AB Vajpayee to Mr Sharif, was followed by the Pakistan Army’s Kargil infiltration. Soon after, Mr Sharif was ousted from power and exiled to Saudi Arabia. Every time peace initiatives were made, the Pakistan Army or terror organisations or both intervened to thwart any progress. All this is the history of the “tragic cyclic process” over the last 60 years and more.
What is new in Ms Siddiqa’s January 25 article in an Indian daily is her contention that increasingly traders and politicians from all parties are convinced that there has to be a peace process and it must lead to peace.  In fact, the columnist asserts that, “The two main parties realised that greater political empowerment and improvement of civil-military balance required improving relations with India.” Whether it was Benazir Bhutto or Mr Nawaz Sharif, who were in power throughout the 1990s, each of the Pakistani Prime Ministers came forward with warm responses to India’s overtures of peace.
Many analysts on this side of the border have also perceived India-Pakistan relations in the same view. They have argued that India must initiate the process rising above the stalemate and hostility so that civilian forces in Pakistan are strengthened in their power equation with the military.  Some peaceniks here have also held candlelight vigils at the Attari border in support of peace.
The Pakistani analyst says that, as of now, “Peace remains elusive as all major political parties put together are unable to change the Army’s perspective”. She points out what India should also acknowledge the reality in her country: "The political parties may represent an alternative pole in the power politics of the state but they are still not in a position to challenge the military’s political prowess.” More important is what she underlines in this context: In one way or the other,  all major political parties are a product of the Army General Headquarter. This is at the core of India’s problem with Pakistan.
The Indian Prime Minister can only discuss political matters with his counterpart in another country. Military commanders similarly can only talk with their military counterparts in a foreign country, whether it is friendly or otherwise. Conceding the truth in the Pakistani columnist’s contention that all political parties put together cannot challenge the military in her country, there is no way an Indian Prime Minister can open dialogue with the military leaders of another country.
The matter takes us to a political logjam. Ms Saddiqa’s column also reveals that the Pakistan Army has effective control of the media — the military is the largest business-owner in Pakistan, according to data mentioned in her book and a politician or party that goes beyond the Laxman rekha set by the military in political engagement with India, can be quickly silenced by a negative campaign in the mass media.
Not only are the military, for whom the Indian bogey is the means of expanding its power and retaining it, the extremist-terrorist groups also, priming the masses to be anti-India. Any settlement through the military, in the unlikely event of achieving it, will not survive so long as the extremist forces oppose it.
So the question boils down to: What can India do? The margin for the political establishment in Pakistan for dealing with India is too narrow and volatile. Perhaps, the military in Pakistan may respond to US demands for its own survival but then again, the mullahs will stir the masses against America.
So, again, the question is: How far will the Pakistan establishment go in suppressing, if not eradicating, the terror machine that it has hand-held for long as a secret weapon against India? This is a matter of speculation.  Perhaps the political leaders there will have the statesmanship to unite and contain the military and wean the masses away from the Mullahs. “These are high hopes!” those in the know of things are bound to exclaim. Meanwhile, Pakistanis will continue to pay 10 times the price for their favourite Paan from India, which will be coming through Dubai, as cross-border trade is yet to be revived.
Source: dailypioneer.com/columnists/edit/military-mullah-nexus-strangling-pakistan.html

Jihad vs McWorld 2016: ISIS on the Internet


By Benjamin Barber
30 January, 2016
The strength of ISIS lies in its commitment to asymmetrical warfare, and ability to create fear and chaos in its enemies.
On the threshold of the publication of a 20th anniversary edition of Jihad vs. McWorld that will be subtitled “Isis on the Internet,” it is worth recalling the circumstances that led to my writing what now seems to have been a prescient study of global trends—a book that has been translated into 31 languages since its publication in 1995.
In the early 1990s, there were two competing views of the world: the first focused on integrative economic trends, and argued that the world was coming together, converging around the triumph of capitalism over communism; around “fast music, fast computers and fast food, pressing nations into one homogenous global theme park, one McWorld tied together by communications, information, entertainment and commerce.” The second view, citing fractious political trends, argued the world was falling apart, being pulled to pieces by new forms of nationalism, cultural and religious ideology and tribalism in a “balkanization of nations-states in which culture is pitted against culture, people against people, tribe against tribe, a Jihad in the name of a hundred narrowly conceived faiths against every kind of interdependence...against modernity itself.” Most scholars and pundits were choosing one side or the other, Tom Friedman, for example, opting for the convergence thesis, Robert Kaplan insisting on the argument for disintegration.
As a student of Rousseau, Hegel and Marx, however, and thus an advocate of dialectics, I was persuaded that both arguments had grasped at least part of the truth; that both were in some sense true. Which entailed that the two arguments had to have had something quite essential in common. The world was both coming together and falling apart for some of the same reasons. For one, the world was falling apart because nations and cultures were resisting those forms of capitalism and modernity that were bringing it together. As I wrote then, “caught between Babel and Disneyland, the planet is falling precipitously apart and coming reluctantly together at the very same moment.” It was the aim of Jihad vs. McWorld to explain not only how both convergence and disintegration could be possible at the same moment, but how the two opposing trends were part of a single process that had in common a taste for anarchy and a disdain for democracy.
It was in the tradition of dialectical thinking, then, that I went looking for commonalities. The dualisms of analytic philosophy that had given rise to a stark choice between global integration or global disintegration as the fate of the world, had to be supplanted by interdependent thinking that could hold both alternatives in tension, according each its own truth and showing how they might be related.
The power of dialectic is to demonstrate how opposites need and even entail one another. They must be understood in terms of how what they exclude and deny helps produce what they share. Marx, we know, had used Hegel’s dialectic to understand how the contradictions of capitalism and class had produced both wealth and war, monopoly and liberation. My task was to understand how the contradictions of McWorld and Jihad produced both modernity and its rejection; how, that is to say, modernity inspired those who feared the costs it exacted from religion and cultural identity to reject it. And how that rejection relied on the technology and media that define modernity to try to bring down its civilisation.
The dialectic I first explored 20 years ago began as speculative theory; in 2001, with the 9/11 cataclysm it began prophecy; today, in the age of ISIS on the Internet, it is simply reality. For unlike Al Qaeda, Jihad’s early manifestation, the new ISIS with its quest for a territorial Caliphate married to its campaign to engender a virtual Caliphate on the web, rejects capitalism and materialism and the commodities they produce even as it puts those commodities to work to inspire terrorism across the world. Science is the work of infidels, secular reason is a form of blasphemy, yet science’s finest product (technology) is the best instrument the true believers have to wage war on the West, while reason’s manifestation in new media is their strongest weapon.
What makes ISIS both viral and toxic, as well as effective and universal, is precisely its capacity to use the very technology whose science it condemns and whose materialist views it rejects to advance its goal of overthrowing modernity.
What makes ISIS both viral and toxic, as well as effective and universal, is precisely its capacity to use the very technology whose science it condemns and whose materialist views it rejects to advance its goal of overthrowing modernity. On the other side of the dialectic that empowers Jihad, stands McWorld: the behemoth corporations of commercial, global capitalism. To McWorld, Jihad defines what it stands for (or claims to stand for)—prosperity, equality, democracy, pluralism. Yet in confronting Jihad, McWorld has displayed a willingness to abandon the civil liberties and open society in whose name it wages the struggle. Politicians like candidate Donald Trump in the United States and even President Francois Hollande in France threaten to close borders, deport refugees and deprive high risk citizens of their rights (or even their citizenship). Does the willingness to give up such crucial liberal norms indicate not just a need to find solutions to terrorism, but also a lack of deep commitment to those norms? As global markets and anarchic capitalism precipitate inequalities within and between nations as egregious as those generated within anti-modern religious ideologies, the question of McWorld’s own ideology and its own relationship to democracy come to the fore.
Moreover, the dialectic of McWorld and Jihadis is evident in how modern media does the work of terrorism by spreading its message so quickly and universally in the name of their own profits. Without the media, without reporting, without our ability to look 24/7 at ISIS antics, how effective would terrorism be? Measured quantitatively by the damage it does, the numbers are astonishingly low. In the last ten years, for example, about 230 Americans have died worldwide from terrorism. At home in the United States, nearly 230,000 have died from gun violence. Yet, terrorism inspires fear, while gun violence is met with yawning indifference. Similarly, with Saudi Arabia beheading hundreds every year within its “legal system”—most recently 43, including a dissident Shia Sheikh, at the beginning of the New Year—its European and American allies look the other way. Until ISIS beheads one or two journalists or aid workers (heinous crimes to be sure), and the media instigate a global hue and cry.
Terrorists are defined by their conventional weakness—no army or economy or infrastructure that can be realistically defended. Their sole strength lies in their capacity to inspire fear among their enemies, who then do their dirty work for them. They are lightweights, who use Ji-Jitsu to put the power and weight of their enemies to their own purposes. ISIS (and Al Qaeda before it) are only as strong as the fearful reaction of those they try to terrorise allow them to be.
The Caliphate cannot and will not succeed, because it tries to go head to head with its adversaries, to fight a conventional war, to establish a capital at Raqqa and control oil production. But if you take territory, it can be retaken, as happened with Mosul and Kobani. If you have a capital city, you have an address, to which drones can be dispatched to kill off the leadership. Oilfields can be bombed; and when you field soldiers, then American tanks and British aeroplanes and Russian forces can overcome them.
So the strength of ISIS is its commitment to asymmetrical warfare: warfare that depends not on firepower or weapons where the West always wins; not on economic resources, where the terrorists will always lose; but on creating fear and chaos in its enemies and getting them to destroy themselves by undermining the foundation of values on which their civilisation rests. And here, the incapacity of developed nations to address the dark side of capitalism, of commercialism and of global markets, and their unwillingness to deal with the devastating global inequality creates conditions ripe for terrorists to exploit.
The dialectic of Jihad and McWorld suggests that the secret to defeating Jihad lies in McWorld itself. Whether we allow it to be defined by aggressive commercial markets, predatory materialism and political cynicism, or by the liberal democratic values it professes to represent. If we permit the narcissistic and greedy values of a grasping, commercial culture to trump the civilisation modernity has produced, we cannot win even if Jihad loses. Capitalism has always been most successful when bound to and tempered by democracy, when democracy regulates capitalism and not the other way around. If modernity is merely a project of prosperity and material wealth, it will lose the battle with the Jihadists. If it is a project of democracy and justice and refuses to compromise them in struggling against Jihad, it will prevail.
Professor Benjamin Barber is Senior Researcher at The Graduate Centre, the City University of New York. He was recently in Delhi to deliver the D.T. Lakdawala Memorial Lecture organised by the Institute of Social Sciences.
Source: The Sunday Guardia, New Delhi

Marrakech Declaration Historic and Inspiring: A Report from the Chair of the Parliament


By Robert Sellers
01. 31. 2016
It was my privilege, on behalf of the Parliament of the World’s Religions, to attend the January 25-27 Marrakech Conference on the Rights of Religious Minorities in Predominantly Muslim Lands, conducted under the high patronage of His Majesty, King Mohammed VI, of Morocco. Three prominent leaders had worked on this initiative since 2012—Shiekh Abdallah Bin Bayyah of Abu Dhabi, President for the Forum for Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies; Dr. Ahmed Toufiq of Rabat, Minister of Religious Endowments and Islamic Affairs for the Kingdom of Morocco; and Dr. Mohamed Elsanousi of Washington, D.C., Director for The Network for Religious and Traditional Peacemakers.
Through the planning of these visionaries, more than 300 cabinet ministers, imams, scholars and intellectuals, peace activists, and interfaith leaders from 120 Muslim territories were brought together to reaffirm the principles of the 1400-year old Charter of Medina and to discuss its implications for our contemporary world. Joining them were approximately 50 non-Muslim leaders who served as observer-participants in the conference. The Marrakech Declaration—its powerful concepts shaped and debated during many hours of supportive speeches, breakout sessions, and multiple drafts, and its final wording ratified by the impressive range of Muslim signatories—is both historic and inspiring.
On the one hand, the Declaration is historic. It is a groundbreaking effort to clarify and unify the response of global Muslims to the world’s bitter experiences of war and terrorism, hatred and violence, desecration of sacred spaces, ethnic cleansings, forced migrations, and other atrocities perpetrated by “criminal groups” and “ignorant fools” whose vile actions “have nothing to do with religion.” The Declaration draws upon the principles of the Charter of Medina, drafted by the Prophet Mohammed in CE 622 as a means of bringing harmony between his followers and the non-Muslims of Medina, and reflects as well the values of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It challenges Muslims around the world to develop laws that guarantee the equal citizenship and just treatment of religious minorities in Muslim nations. Furthermore, the Declaration calls for all sects and denominations of Islam “to confront all forms of religious bigotry, vilification, and denigration of what people hold sacred, as well as all speech that promotes hatred and bigotry.” The Declaration is historic!
On the other hand, the Declaration is inspiring. Once again—just as was the case in the 2007 Muslim document, “A Common Word between Us and You”—leaders of Islam have drafted a statement affirming their commitment to neighbourliness in a world too often marked by religious boundaries and the clash of civilizations. By ratifying this call to harmony and the just treatment of religious minorities, these Muslim leaders have given us who are not Muslims an example that we also must follow. I thus find inspiration in this Declaration for thinking seriously about the rights of non-Christians in Christian-majority nations, like the United States. For example, making the appropriate categorical substitutions, this document can “urge [Christian] educational institutions and authorities to conduct a courageous review of educational curricula that addresses honestly and effectively any material that instigates aggression and extremism, leads to war and chaos, and results in the destruction of our shared societies.”
Furthermore, the Declaration can “call upon politicians and decision makers to take the political and legal steps necessary to establish a constitutional contractual relationship among its citizens, and to support all formulations and initiatives that aim to fortify relations and understanding among the various religious groups in the [Christian] world.”  Not only should we be concerned about the human rights of non-Muslims in Muslim-majority nations, but we must be attentive to the human rights of Muslims in non-Muslim-majority nations. Islamophobia must diminish and neighborliness in the human family must increase. Toward that end, this Declaration is inspiring!
As the Chair of the Parliament of the World’s Religions, may I reiterate my personal commitment to interreligious harmony and cooperation, and on behalf of my fellow trustees and peoples of all faiths who are committed to the interfaith movement, may I say that we will not cease in our efforts to bring about the kind of peaceful, mutually beneficial society around the world that is envisioned in this historic and inspiring Marrakech Declaration.
Source: parliamentofreligions.org/blog/2016-01-31-1334/marrakech-declaration-historic-and-inspiring-report-chair-parliament?mc_cid=39aa896461&mc_eid=6589ba8a21#sthash.oVG7GlQw.dpuf

Slow Genocide of Minorities in Pakistan: Farahnaz Ispahani


By Elizabeth Roche
Jan 19 2016



Farahnaz Ispahani. Photo: Pradeep Gaur/Mint


From 23% in 1947, Pakistan’s minorities today constitute a mere 3-4% of the population, says Farahnaz Ispahani, media advisor to the president of Pakistan from 2008 to 2012 in her book Purifying the Land of the Pure: Pakistan’s Religious Minorities.
She blames the successive Pakistan presidents and prime ministers for launching a slow genocide against minorities in the country to shore up their political base. She specifically blames Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the Pak army general who was the country’s 6th president, for creating a militant group to target Shias, Ahmadis, Hindus and Christians. Edited excerpts from an interview:
Could you tell us something about the title of your book Purifying the Land of the Pure: Pakistan’s Religious Minorities?
Pakistan itself means pure land. The reason I chose it is because I have traced in my book, using historical archives, how Pakistan which set out to be a secular albeit Muslims majority state, ended up becoming what it is today. When Pakistan was being formed in 1947, Pakistan’s population of non-Muslims was 23%, today we are somewhere between 3%-4%. So there has been a purification of minorities.
So my big question was where have they gone? What I have uncovered is quite devastating because it has not been one government or one man who has been culpable. It’s not only (former president) General Zia ul Haq. It has been from the time of Mr (Mohammed Ali) Jinnah, the Qaid-e-Azam of Pakistan, as he lay dying, already the political and bureaucratic wheels were moving towards a more Muslim state.
I am saying that for all religious minorities—Muslim and non-Muslim—there has been a purification. This is what I call drip drip genocide. Normally when people talk about genocide, they talk about Nazi Germany or they talk about Yugoslavia. In the case of Pakistan, this is slow genocide, this drip, drip, drip over 76 years.
You refer to the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) founder and ideologue Maulana Abul Ala Maududi in your book. Was this purification the handiwork of politicians only or did religious leaders and scholars also have a role?
Maulana Maududi did not support the formation of Pakistan; he did not think it would be Muslim enough. Mr. Jinnah, as he was dying, talked at length about Pakistan’s minorities and said no matter what someone’s faith was would not matter in Pakistan. But after he died what happened was, most of the people who were in leadership positions in Pakistan, in the Muslim League like our first prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan, were not from Pakistan. So they did not have natural constituencies as politicians.
You have a man like Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan who himself was very secular in most ways. He becomes the man who brings about the resolution which went into every single constitution we ever had, which was very clear in that it said that Pakistan was a Muslim state. And that the Quran and Shariat and Sunnah (verbally transmitted teachings of the Prophet) are to be part and parcel of the state. It was the ugliest form of realpolitik.
What people like Liaquat and Chaudhury Mohammed Ali (fourth prime minister of Pakistan), etc., did was that they revived “Islam is in danger” as the glue to keep them in their positions. Mr. Maududi and his fellow clergymen therefore became of great value to the political leadership of Pakistan to justify their decisions, to keep them in power.
And as you go on, when you have the first proper martial law in Pakistan when General Ayub (Khan) takes over, you see the nexus of the military with the mullahs and politicians who were acceptable to the military.
You have talked of the links between politics, religion and the military. How did militancy come to be linked with this?
The first well-known and well-organised terrorist militia that we know about that dealt with religious minorities was created by Zia-ul-Haq. It was called the Sipah-e-Sahaba and its sole job was to harass Shias. So, that is the first group that we see that is armed and trained and reasonably openly by the (Pakistani) government of that time.
Some of these groups—not all—in some seasons cross borders and in some seasons there are at home purifying the land of the pure, whether it is blowing up Ahmadi places of worship or Christian worshippers at mass or Shia Imambargahs.
So the state’s policy that goes back to the very beginning of mixing religion with politics and then religion, politics and the military together has resulted in a terrible situation not just from the point of view of Pakistan’s neighbours but for us Pakistanis as well. Over 60,000 Pakistanis have died due to attacks internally by terrorists.
Of all the politicians who have done their bit for the decimation of minorities, would you say that it was president Zia-ul-Haq who did the most damage?
Yes. Two things, he legalised Islamisation—whether it was bringing in the Hudood (ordinance in 1979 under which Sharia laws applied in cases of extramarital sex, theft and prohibition). From very little things like introducing prayer times in government buildings to very, very, very harsh laws of blasphemy. The other thing would be the birth of these Jihadi groups in a very, very big way.
He attempted to alter our culture—Pakistani diplomats’ wives could no longer wear saris—they were considered Hindu and un-Islamic. You could no longer say Khuda Hafiz; you had to say Allah Hafiz.
These small things have now percolated down and they have shaped an entire culture. So that’s what he did, the small things changing the way people thought, the laws which were then impossible to get around and then the Jihadi groups.
How can this state of affairs be changed?
It has to be through political leadership, even though we saw in (Punjab governor) Salman (Taseer)’s case that in spite of everything when (his security guard) Mumtaz Qadri pumped his body full (in 2011) of bullets the other people stood there and watched. Later Qadri was garlanded and the judge who found him (Qadri) guilty, we had to send the judge and his entire family out of Pakistan. I was in government then. He’s never come back.
This book is like a death sentence for me. Civil society at that time had no leadership. And the reaction was don’t even talk about it. Don’t even mention Asiya Bibi (Pakistani Christian found guilty of blasphemy and sentenced to death. Taseer opposed her punishment). Look at Salman, he was so foolish. There was no one willing to bury him. I had to find somebody, beg someone to read his last rites. And then, I had to get that person and their family out of Lahore.
So is this the worst for Pakistan and therefore can one say that change can only make things better?
I could never say something like that because its impossible to be so categorical. Pakistan is a functional state still and there is a lot of room for change. I hope things turn around. But I think a big part of it is that Jihadi groups have to be dealt with. They can no longer be good Jihadi groups and bad Jihadi groups. There should be no Jihadi groups. Countries can have militaries and countries can have diplomacy. Unless we move past this kind of a situation, the world is losing patience.
Any point when this could be changed?
From the very start. Mr. Jinnah was still alive and they have the temerity to block his speech from the radio. That entire speech was about how important Pakistan’s religious minorities were and how absolutely vital it was for pluralism and to have a successful state for all citizens to have a place. Once you end up introducing a religious law it is almost impossible to amend it or to change it because they are seen as protecting Islam and feelings of Muslims.
In the book, I break this down into four stages – and I call stage one Muslimisation. This comes about between 1945 and 1951. There is a massive decline in Hindu and Sikh populations and therefore Pakistan became more Muslim demographically.
Stage two is Islamic identity. This is where you see from 1958 onwards state-sponsored text books reject pluralism, paint religious minorities very negative, highlight and glorify Islamic history with no South Asian basis. So an attempt was made to forge a Pakistani identity purely on the basis of Islam.
The third stage is Islamisation. This is where legislation in an attempt to make the country’s laws more Islamic resulted in creating a legal framework against the minorities. It started in 1974 and continues up to 1988. This was all done in General Zia’s time.
Stage four is militant hostility towards the minorities, which is the stage at which we are and we have terrorism and organised violence.
Source: livemint.com/Politics/F4r3Tmf51k8Sm6DGjPRaEN/Slow-genocide-of-minorities-in-Pakistan-Farahnaz-Ispahani.html

The Iranian Regime Uses Religion as Cover for Its Shameful Crimes: The World Should Wake Up To Iran's Abuses


By Dherar Belhoul Alfalasi
February 1, 2016
We're talking of Iran, which is not different from Daesh, the terrorist organization. The only difference is that while the world unites to fight Daesh, the same world is ignoring Iran's monumental atrocities. One good example is how this country treats its own prisoners.
If you think Daesh is the worst terrorist organization in using faith to justify its devious crimes, then you may need to reconsider. And if you think North Korea has the worst record in mistreating prisoners and for weird methods of execution, then you definitely need to update your information.
There is one country with which Western countries are competing to normalize their diplomatic and commercial ties, while ignoring the fact it boasts both the worst record of misusing faith to justify crimes and tyranny, and the largest record of prisoner abuse and death sentences per capita.
We're talking of Iran, which is not different from Daesh, the terrorist organization. The only difference is that while the world unites to fight Daesh, the same world is ignoring Iran's monumental atrocities. One good example is how this country treats its own prisoners.
Last year, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Iran, Dr. Ahmed Shaheed bluntly announced that 85 per cent of female and 35 per cent male prisoners are ''routinely raped in Iranian prisons''. According to him, "torture in Iran has become steadily systematic, officially sponsored and wide-spread".
Shaheed's statement confirmed what former presidential candidate Mahdi Karroubi previously said in an open letter to former president Hashmi Rafsanjani about thousands of his supporters who were reportedly raped in prison in the aftermath of 2009 pro-reform protests.
The Iranian regime uses religion as cover for its shameful crimes. Back in the 1980s, Ayatullah Mesbah Yazdiwas, allegedly issued death Fatwas against anyone who disagreed with his evil theological ideology.
Prison guards, police detectives and members of the Revolutionary Guard allegedly ‘sexually abuse and even rape their prisoners and suspects''. This includes men, women and children, according to some accounts.
The Revolutionary Guards allegedly offer female prisoners as 'sexual rewards' to its members upon completion of their tasks. Another shocking practice in Iranian prisons is to force inmates to watch the execution of fellow inmates. In addition, there have been several cases in which the inmates were forced to ''watch other inmates being raped by detectives or guards'', according to some accounts.
Furthermore, Iran has a long record of raping and executing children. Execution of children and underage prisoners by itself is a violation of international law, leave aside torture and rape.
Only last November, the UN condemned the execution of two teenage prisoners for charges that were never proven. Suspects are routinely denied basic rights such as the presence of a lawyer. Some trials that ended with a death sentence took less than five minutes to reach a verdict.
To understand the logic behind this behaviour, we need to be reminded that the majority of such victims come from ethnic or religious minorities and are mostly rights activists. While ethnic and religious humiliation is behind the savage torture of those activists, members of Persian opposition groups such as the secular People's Mojahedin Organization and those who supported the 2009 presidential candidates were crushed by the regime.
Several international organizations that monitor human rights violations in Iran have also reported another concerning practice. Iranian authorities often foist charges to justify their inhuman measures against inmates. Underage prisoners are often executed on allegations of drug trafficking.
In fact, this underage issue is a matter of big concern. Male teens are considered adults and legally responsible at the age of 15; three years before teens in other countries. A female, on the other hand, is considered mature and legally responsible at the age of only nine. In many cases, girls that young were forced to marry elderly men who would die for one reason or another, and the poor girl gets herself a death sentence without even realizing what happened!
Last year alone, Iran executed 1084 people; a large percentage of whom were women and children. Many sources believe the actual number may be double that figure because some executions go unreported as the regime controls all media.
With all these documented atrocities, a legitimate question arises: is it right to reward such a regime by lifting international sanctions or should we treat it like Daesh?
Dherar Belhoul Alfalasi is an Emirati writer
Source: khaleejtimes.com/editorials-columns/the-world-should-wake-up-to-irans-abuses

Deoband and Theological Anti-Pluralism: A Critique of Husain Ahmad Madani’s ‘Islam and Composite Nationalism’



By Ali Raihan, New Age Islam
1 February 2016


In debates about secularism and pluralism in India, Deoband had always taken the position that it was one of the first organizations to raise the banner of revolt against the British and for that purpose it advocated the coming together of Hindus and Muslims against the British This coming together with the ‘idolaters’ is trumpeted as a major theological watershed within the Deoband Ulema about co-existence, diversity and pluralism in India. The central text which gets cited as a proof of this theological turnaround is Husain Ahmad Madani’s Islam and Composite Nationalism which was published in 1938. This text was translated in English in 2005 by the Jamiat Ulema e Hind and released with great aplomb to argue that Indian Muslims, as epitomized by Deoband have always been believers in diversity and pluralism and that they respected the practice of secularism. This is not to under-estimate the importance Husain Ahmad Madani and his contribution to the national movement. He was the principal of the madrasa at Deoband as well as the president of Jamiat Ulema e Hind, an apex body of Islamic religious scholars primarily belonging to the Deoband school of Indian Islam. Madani is considered to be one of the most influential religious scholars of the subcontinent. Besides being affiliated to the madrasa at Deoband, he was also an advocate of the Ulema becoming the leaders of the Muslim community and played a key role in cementing the Congress–Khilafat pact during the 1920s. It is important to understand that the Khilafat movement set the path for what would endure as a pattern for Muslim participation in the nationalist movement. Through a series of lectures and pamphlets during the 1920s and ’30s, Madani prepared the ground for the cooperation of the Indian Ulema with the Indian National Congress. Finally, in 1938, a collection of his writings was published in Urdu as Muttahida Qaumiyat Aur Islam (Composite Nationalism and Islam) and was translated in English and re-published by the Jamiat Ulema e Hind in 2005.
However, an interrogation of Madani’s text, Islam and Composite Nationalism,reveals a different understanding of the idea of pluralism and the text at times is deeply anti-plural which does not augur well for the plural co-existence of different religious communities. In this text, Madani makes a crucial distinction betweenQaum and Millat. According to Madani, Qaum connotes a territorial multi-religious entity, while Millat refers to the cultural, social and religious unity of Muslims exclusively. It is the affinity on the basis of territory (Qaum) which becomes the source of Madani’s argument that it is religiously justified for Indian Muslims to fight alongside Hindus to overthrow the common enemy, the British. Since the Muslim presence in India went back a long time, they, together with other communities, constituted one Qaum and were consequently under obligation to fight the British. This important distinction between Qaum and Millat enabled him to not only justify cooperation with the Indian National Congress, but also to reply to his critics like Muhammad Iqbal, who were arguing against the concept of territorial nationalism. As befits an Alim (singular of Ulema), Madani justified his interpretation by recourse to early Islamic history in which Prophet Muhammad had sought a covenant with the Jews of Medina in order to fight against a common enemy: the unbelievers (Kuffar) of Mecca. Drawing a parallel to the times that obtained in that original covenant of Medina, Madani argues that it is perfectly acceptable for Indian Muslims to have a ‘pact’ with Hindus to fight against the British. Hindus and Muslims, therefore, become one ‘Qaum’. However, this ‘qaumiat’ (territorial unity) does not translate into a dialectical understanding of sharing between religious and cultural traditions. Madani is well aware of the plurality of religious and cultural traditions in India when he speaks of Muslim and non-Muslim communities living side by side in India. But for Madani, this plurality is an end in itself. In fact, he seems to be very clear that this diversity should not develop into pluralism.
In order to make this transition from plurality to pluralism, Madani would have to forgo his own notion of superiority of Islam over other religions. This he is clearly unwilling to do. Islam for him is the only true religion and it is this conviction which leads him to claim that, ‘while being aware of the truth of their (other religions’) falsehood’, Islam is ready to ‘cooperate and tolerate’ them. In other words, Madani not only disqualifies and derogates other religions as being false, he is also of the view that, ultimately, Hindustan be Islamised: that the Hindu–Muslim entente (composite nationalism) is only required till the time people of this country do not become Muslims (Jab Tak Hindustan Ke Tamam Baashinde Mussalman Nahin Ho Jate). Such a notion hardly augurs well for any kind of pluralism. Far from taking an approach of mutual understanding and dialogue, Madani speaks from a position of power which derives from his own Islamic understanding of truth and falsehood. We see in the text, therefore, a clear unwillingness to allow any kind of cultural sharing, especially between the Hindus and Muslims.
Although, Madani accepts that Muslims in India already cooperate with ‘non-Muslims’ on a number of civic and non-religious issues, his plea is that this temporal cooperation should not be confused with any kind of religious co-operation. Even the ‘compositeness’ of his nationalism is not an end in itself. In his own words, this composite nationalism is ‘temporary and special’ and is only required till the ‘light of true religion (read Islam) dispels its (India’s) darkness’. Shedding further light on his ‘special’ and ‘temporary’ concept, Madani elucidates that ‘composite nationalism is needed only till such time different communities (Aqwaam, sng. Qaum) and different religions exist in a country. When the entire nation becomes Muslim (which is the prime real aim: Jo Ki Awwaleen Maksad Hai), where is the need for it?’ It is very clear, therefore, that for Madani, even diversity, (forget pluralism) holds no merit of its own, rather its advocacy is strategically needed only for such time till Islam becomes the sole hegemonic religion of India.                                                                             
Even in the interim period when Madani allows Muslims to ‘tolerate and cooperate’ with the Hindus, he makes it amply clear that the Millat is beyond compromise. The Millat is an idea which is pure and unalloyed which should not be contaminated by the touch of lesser religions such as Hinduism and Christianity. Such an understanding of Millat, apart from being orthodox, is also anti-history. Indian Islam is full of examples of sharing from other religious traditions, including Hinduism. This creative interaction has given birth to various heterodox traditions as well as numerous cultural practices which were liminal in nature. Madani, being a member of reformist tradition of Deoband, questioned many of these and collectively termed them as Bidah, and hence un-Islamic. As in any revivalist movement, an ‘authentic Islamic tradition’ was being formulated by Deoband headed by Madani, against which all indigenous Islamic traditions were to be measured. Madani’s notion of Millat comprises mainly Arabian traditions rather than Indian ones. And since this Arabian tradition can only be appreciated through the language of Arabic, only those Muslims who are well versed with this sacred language will find a place in the Millat. Therefore, his notion of Millat leaves the majority of Indian Muslims (forget the Hindus and thus the question of inter-community pluralism) outside its fold, since Arabic to them was still something to be memorized, not to be studied, understood and analyzed. Far from being something which needs to be celebrated, Madani’s Hindu–Muslim entente is devoid of any cultural sharing and mutual reflexivity. His Islam is suffused with an innate superiority complex which hardly augurs well for inter-religious understanding and dialogue. Far from taking a position on Indian pluralism, the text is itself, in its claims of defining Islamic superiority, antithetical to pluralism within Indian Muslims.
A New Age Islam Columnist, Ali Raihan is a Delhi base writer.