Do Islamists Lack Intellectual Depth?

By New Age Islam Correspondent 12 August 2025 This article is an abridged version of an article published in the Brookings Institution by Ovamir Anjum, a Pakistani-American academic. He is the Imam Khattab Chair of Islamic Studies at the Department of Philosophy, University of Toledo. He is the editor-in-chief at the Yaqeen Institute for Islamic Research and the founder of the Ummatics Institute. This version uses Indian experiences and issues for a general Indian reader. The full article can be accessed here: Do Islamists Have An Intellectual Deficit? Summary: Ovamir Anjum’s article argues that while moderate Islamist movements like the Muslim Brotherhood, Pakistan’s Jamaat-e-Islami, and similar groups work within modern nation-states and often in democratic systems, they suffer from an “intellectual deficit” — a lack of a deeply rooted, coherent political vision grounded in Islamic scholarly tradition. Unlike classical Islamic jurisprudence or even rival ideological currents such as Sufism or Shia scholarship, reformist Islamism has developed only a thin intellectual heritage, relying more on activism and organisational loyalty than on rigorous thought. This gap, Anjum suggests, weakens their ability to inspire youth, resist radicalisation, and address complex modern challenges such as democracy’s limitations, capitalism’s social costs, and environmental crises. While there have been efforts in fields like Islamic economics or minority jurisprudence, these often avoid hard questions, leaving such movements reactive, inward-looking, and vulnerable to both external pressures and internal stagnation. When the Arab Spring began in 2011, most people in the Muslim world were convinced that it was the dawn of a new era. Young demonstrators in Tahrir Square, Cairo, spoke of democracy, freedom, dignity, and Islamic values that would go hand in hand. Among them were the Muslim Brotherhood leadership, the world's most popular Islamist movement. But observing these trends closely, Ovamir Anjum, a scholar of Islamic studies, was concerned. He believed that despite these "moderate Islamists" occupying political space and engaging with society, they lacked something critical — a robust and definitive set of ideas to guide their politics. It is not just a concern for scholars. In the Muslim world, and in South Asia, "reformist" or "moderate" Islamist movements — such as Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Islami, and India's own Jamaat-e-Islami Hind — have been active for decades in modern states, sometimes as part of democratic governments, to translate Islamic values into politics. But even after decades of activity, they cannot present a clear and compelling vision of how Islamic politics might function in the modern world. The Missing Intellectual Depth Anjum's central argument is straightforward: these movements are activists before they are thinkers. These movements' intellectual roots are superficial relative to the profound, centuries-old traditions of Islamic law (Fiqh), theology (Kalam), and political thought. He uses the term "discursive tradition" — i.e., a body of thought richly argued, elaborated, and debated over the centuries. Marxism is an example, with its richness in modern political theory. Pre-modern Islamic jurisprudence possesses it too, elaborated by scholars all over the Muslim world over centuries. Reformist Islamism is a relatively superficial discourse, however. Why is this important? In today’s competitive religious and political scene, reformers face groups with much stronger ideas and branding — militants like ISIS, silent clerics who tell people to obey their leaders, and very strict Salafis with a strong tradition of their own. Without solid ideas to support them, moderate Islamists may seem unclear, unexciting, or simply looking for chances. Indicators of the Shortage Anjum enumerates some of the warning signs that Indian readers may identify with our own condition: Generational fault lines: Activists view their leaders as risk-averse, compromising, or out of touch with contemporary issues. In India, there have been comparable tensions between student Islamist groups on campuses and their established, more traditional parent organisations. Defections to radicals: Moderate leaders who do not inspire some youths lead them to the stricter groups that provide more articulated ideas and beliefs. Frustration with democracy: In Egypt, most of the Brotherhood's supporters were frustrated when their brief stint in power was cut short through a coup. In India, some Islamist activists also have doubts regarding electoral politics under the argument that it is not fair to them. ISIS propaganda is slick and emotive and is drawing disillusioned youth from across the world. Even Saudi-funded conservative religious figures are strongly supported in their beliefs and teachings. The Brotherhood or Jamaat organisation sites, however, are dull, stale, and uninteresting. Ideas Are Important There are certain social scientists who would argue that in politics, ideas are secondary to organisational effectiveness or material circumstances. Anjum doesn't agree. Ideas, he asserts, decide the way people perceive their material condition. In the absence of an intellectual foundation, a movement's understanding of political reality can be worse and result in worse decisions. At the start of Islamist movements, there was not a great divide between thinkers and organisers. Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Brotherhood, was an organiser and a thinker. Abul A'la Mawdudi of South Asia's Jamaat-e-Islami produced a lot and influenced his party and overall Muslim political thought. But Islamist leaders are no longer visionaries today, but administrators. They are promoted to higher ranks in the organisation by loyalty and years of service, and not by intellectual imagination. The outcome: "ageing uncles" at the helm who can last, but not inspire. Traditions That Do Have Depth Anjum claims that other Islamic movements have more valuable concepts. Sunni intellectuals who adhere to classical schools of law, religion, and Sufism. Sufis emphasise the teachings of the classics and the works of the early scholars like Ibn Taymiyya. Twelver Shias have been learning and teaching ceaselessly since the Safavid era. Reformist Islamists, on the other hand, take pieces of these traditions but are uncertain about classical Islamic scholarship as well as modern times. Efforts to Refresh To credit where credit is due, efforts have been made to develop reformist thought. Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Muhammad al-Ghazali attempted to develop a more tolerant understanding of Islamic politics in Egypt. The growth of Islamic banking and finance has also spawned a lot of literature on "Islamic economics". There is, of course, the "fiqh of minorities" — research that seeks to assist Muslims who live in nations in which they are not the majority, such as India. But critics argue that these attempts usually shun difficult questions: Is a contemporary nation-state ever "Islamic"? How can Muslims react to the social and environmental problems caused by modern life? Can Islamic economics break free from the capitalist culture of material development? Why It Matters to India In India, the issue of Islamist intellectual depth is not just for schools and universities. India, which has 200 million Muslims, boasts one of the largest Muslim populations in the world. Organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), and student Islamic organisations are plagued with the same issues as in the Middle East. Most of these groups focus much on bringing the community together, legal aid, or uniting during elections. But they seldom have a simple and direct way of understanding how Islamic values and Indian democracy can be blended in the long run. For example: Most Indian Islamist movements react to concerns such as women's rights, environmental justice, or economic inequality but do not bring new ideas. Nothing meaningful is being undertaken to produce engaging publications or media that present Islamic perspectives to the masses. Intellectual leadership usually lies in the hands of older clerics or party veterans, with little hope of fresher minds dominating the discourse. The Way Forward Anjum's critique is not a death knell for reformist Islamism. Instead, it is a call for new energy — movements to be aware and thoughtful of a linkage with Islamic heritage and the world today. For Muslim community groups and Indian Islamist movements, this may entail: Promoting personal learning that goes beyond political parties. Developing forums where young minds can share thoughts without being hampered by the rules of seniority. Examining global social concerns — such as the environment, economy, and gender from an Islamic ethical perspective. Creating good media that makes Islamic ideas clear and engaging to contemporary audiences. As India's Muslims navigate an increasingly polarised political landscape, possessing a well-reasoned, well-grounded intellectual vision will be a question of survival — political survival, but survival in the sense of providing something of worth to a broader society. 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