Post-Salafism? How A Worldwide Idea Learned To Adapt And Speak Local

By New Age Islam Correspondent 29 September 2025 Summary: Salafism, once seen as a strict global movement fuelled by Saudi influence and opposed to local culture and politics, is now changing shape. Scholars Théo Blanc and Olivier Roy call this new phase post-Salafism. Pressured by state crackdowns, the decline of Saudi funding, and the upheavals of the Arab Spring, many Salafi groups have started to adapt. They are rooting themselves in local traditions, softening their stance on culture, and even stepping into politics. Instead of being a single global force, Salafism today looks different in each place—more flexible, more fragmented, and more pragmatic—showing that its future lies in how well it adjusts to the realities of everyday Muslim communities. ---- The original article can be downloaded from here: https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2024.2410115 For decades, Salafism was regarded as one of the most powerful religious movements within contemporary Islam. It was portrayed as a global movement that traversed nation-states, providing Muslims with a "pure" version of religion without cultural adaptation. Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, it was more closely identified in people's minds with extremism and security problems. Policy makers, journalists, and scholars typically referred to it as a Saudi-funded project transmitted globally with dollars from oil, scholarships, and missionaries. But that narrative is no longer the complete truth. Over the past two decades, Salafism has evolved with input from regions outside of Riyadh. It has gone down different avenues—absorbing native cultures, becoming politicised, and even altering its own boundaries. Researchers Théo Blanc and Olivier Roy write about a new era beginning: post-Salafism. This does not mean Salafism is going away. Instead, it is changing. Post-Salafism describes a situation where old beliefs—the strict refusal of culture, politics, and compromise—are not as strong anymore. Instead, Salafism is being adapted to local needs, involved in politics, and rethought in ways that show the variety of Muslim communities around the world. From Global to Local: The Expansion of Salafism At the end of the 20th century, Salafism was thought to be a frontier less force. With the wealth of the oil of Saudi Arabia, the universities of Medina and Riyadh taught thousands of students who returned home to spread their doctrines. Satellite TV, cassette tapes, and the internet helped to create what was once described by Roy as an "imagined community" of believers who thought of themselves as a single project: purifying Islam of cultural practices they thought of as corruptions. This was a religion of "deculturation." To be a Salafi, a person had to abandon the practices of his village, tribe, or nation and copy the first Muslims—the salaf al-salih. In Cairo or Casablanca, Paris or London, Salafis used the same simple and universal language: Islam in its pure essence. The worldwide spread of Salafism made governments concerned. After 9/11, it was mostly seen as a security risk, a place that could lead to terrorism. Researchers studied its beliefs and often linked them to Saudi influence. The first big English-language book about this topic, Global Salafism, reflected this idea in its title. Blanc and Roy relate that this explanation overlooked something essential: the localised demand. Salafism did not become a worldwide phenomenon simply because Saudis promoted it. It gained traction because individuals within various societies—who were dissatisfied with corrupt rulers, did not rely on classic scholars who were connected to the regime, or desired a thicker sense of identity within hostile environments—resonated with it. In the words of a Yemeni scholar, it was "far more than a process of Saudisation." The Cracks in the Global Vision By the 2010s, issues began to surface. The Arab Spring revealed the weaknesses of the quietist approach of Salafism. For decades, the majority of Salafis avoided politics for fear of being part of governments they believed to be un-Islamic. But when millions marched in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere, Salafi organisations could no longer shun politics. Some of them established political parties, others allied themselves with various groups, and others decided to maintain their isolation. At the same time, harsh actions in places like Algeria, Tunisia, and France made Salafis reconsider how to survive. Government actions, often said to be about fighting extremism, pushed groups to soften their image and become part of society. Shifts within generations also made a difference. Muslims who came of age in Salafi environments, particularly the Europeans, started to question the extreme segregation of their fathers' practice. The women wanted a bigger role, occasionally towards politics and occasionally even within the jihadist movements. The loss of prominent Salafi leaders brought disarray concerning authority. Additionally, the financial aid from Saudi Arabia was slowly dwindling, particularly as Riyadh sought to transform under Mohammed bin Salman. All of this culminated in what Blanc and Roy refer to as a structural crisis for Salafism. Post-Salafism Post-Salafism doesn't mean moving away from religion. It means updating it to fit it to newer thoughts. "Post-Salafis are not ex-Salafis," say Blanc and Roy. "They rethink and recast Salafism in practice and deviate from the universal, culture-free, and reticent model dominant since the 1970s." This adaptation manifests in three major changes: Indigenisation refers to Salafism getting incorporated into indigenous cultures. Re-culturation – Salafis acclimating to co-exist with culture and sometimes embracing it. Politicisation – from evading politics to being an active participant. All of these changes are driving Salafism collectively in unprecedented directions. Indigenisation: Becoming Local Formerly dismissive of national identities, Salafis in most nations are accepting of them today. In Ethiopia, Salafi movements have identified with the plight of Oromo Muslims, blending religion and ethnicity. In North and West Africa, Salafis are cooperating with indigenous Islamic practices and occasionally intermixing with Maliki law. Instead of bringing thinking directly from Saudi Arabia, movements are coming to depend on homegrown leaders—the preachers, activists, and intellectuals who translate Salafi thinking for local contexts. In Morocco, for example, long ago the preacher al-Taqi al-Din al-Hilali gave Salafism a Moroccan inflexion. In revolutionary Tunisia, younger Salafis spoke of a "Salafi-Malikism," an inconceivable combination to conjure up in a previous era. This indigenisation is not abandoning culture altogether. It's often accompanied by criticism. Post-Salafis criticise Wahhabism for being too rigid, too separate, and too isolated from others. They advocate a freer and less inflexible understanding, one that can still be loyal to its cradle and still serve the needs of the nation. Re-Culturation: How to Live Along with Culture For decades, the Salafis identified themselves against culture. Sufi ritual, saint worship and Islamic music and painting were corruptions to them. But there is a softening of these parameters after Salafism. They are reaching out to Sufis or Islamists in certain regions. They are embracing conventional ways they once shunned in others. University campuses such as al-Azhar in Cairo and al-Zaytuna in Tunis are witnessing increased interest as youth Salafis prefer to discuss rather than engage in combat. Meanwhile, culture is also incorporating some of the Salafi thought. Researchers refer to this as "soft salafisation"—when aspects of Salafi practice, such as stricter fashion or notions of what it means to be religious, become part of everyday religious life among people who are not Salafis. This creates a two-way flow: culture influences Salafism, and Salafism influences culture. This re-culturation typically entails a dilution of Salafism's purist nature. It also sustains it. Rather than existing as constant "strangers," as others of the Salafis once referred to themselves, the post-Salafis are learning to be next-door neighbours. Politicisation: From Quietism to Activism Most notably perhaps, there is a political change. Classical Salafis had shunned politics as a diversion from religious fervour. But the Arab Spring made it difficult to hold such a stance. In North Africa and the Middle East, Salafi parties ran in elections, and a few of them actually made it into parliaments. Even in nations without revolution, people felt compelled to become involved. In Europe, Salafi organisations had to converse with governments concerning security laws, education, and civil rights. In sub-Saharan Africa to the west, Salafis participated in broader nationalist or anti-imperialist movements. This politicisation doesn't remotely equal democracy. It's survival pragmatism. It's opportunism. But it does represent a stark change from the characterisation of Salafis as apolitical or passive. For Islamist radicals, politicisation has entailed a shift: from a universal to a local agenda. Groups such as Syria's once al-Qaeda-affiliated Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham are concerned with governance and being locally accepted rather than global jihad. This is what one analyst described as "global jihad"—rooted in global networks but anchored in local struggles. A Movement Under Pressure Why did things change? There are so many reasons. State pressure: Governments have securitised Salafism, labelling it a threat and forcing groups to adapt or disappear. Generational change: Young Salafis want to live in more flexible ways, especially in different kinds of societies. What's changed: Growing Muslim middle classes, varying forms of people's migration, and rising education have transformed expectations. Women's agency: Female Salafis, once simply considered followers, are demanding leadership, activism, and even scholarship. Decline of Saudis' dominance: With less funding and changes of purposes in Riyadh, Salafism is no longer connected with Wahhabi dominance. All of this has made it impossible for Salafism to be the culture-free hardline initiative it once professed to be. Why Post-Salafism Matters Post-Salafism doesn't imply the end of Salafism. In the same way, post-Islamism never ended Islamism, and post-jihadism never eliminated jihadist thought; post-Salafism coexists with earlier variants. There are still uncompromising Salafis who reject politics, culture, and compromise. There are still violent jihadists. But the pattern is significant. It reveals that a worldwide movement, once believed to be homogeneous worldwide, is rather adaptable. Domestic variables—as from Mauritania to Cambodia, France to Ethiopia—determine what Salafism is. And as Blanc and Roy put it, it is local demand rather than foreign supply driving its success. For politicians, it is one thing: not viewing Salafism as the type of threat it is often portrayed to be. The movement is fragmented, erratic, and adaptable. For Muslim societies, it represents a new possibility: a Salafism capable of coexisting with culture, politics, and diversity. Roy stated that "globalisation disrupts and destabilises the conventional regime of knowledge production." Post-Salafism is one of the ways to react to this disruption—it demonstrates how the most rigid doctrines should transform once they are confronted with real life. Conclusion: After the Global Moment The era of "global Salafism" may be closing. We are witnessing today a variety of new types of Salafism: Tunisian Salafi-Malikism, Ethiopian Oromo Salafism, French youth Salafism, and Cambodian reformist Salafism. Each of them pertains to its own circumstances, its own problems, and its own consensus. That is not the end of an idea but its evolution. Salafism, once a self-perceived pure international movement untainted from culture, began to evolve to accept the nuanced realities of culture, politics, and society. Post-Salafism is what we call the process of learning. History indicates this is not the final stage. In the same way Salafism evolved to post-Salafism, a new generation would rebrand it, change its structure, and give it a different function in the ongoing history of Islam in the contemporary world. URl: https://www.newageislam.com/radical-islamism-jihad/post-salafism-worldwide-idea-learned-adapt-speak/d/137024 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism