Those Who Look On And Do Nothing

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 25 July 2025 Elias Canetti's famous quote, "The world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing," always gets me thinking because it encapsulates the importance of active engagement in creating positive change. It highlights the fact that the true threat to society lies in the passivity and indifference exhibited by those who witness wrongdoing but choose to remain silent. By failing to challenge injustice or stand up against unethical actions, individuals inadvertently enable the perpetuation of harm and contribute to a more perilous world. Canetti's words serve as a powerful reminder that it is our moral duty to actively participate in shaping a safer and more just society, for our inaction can inadvertently fuel the very evils we wish to combat. Our collective inaction is obvious in the case and context of what has been going on in West Asia. Israel has been pummelling and pounding poor Palestinians since October 7, 2023 when Hamas began it. Now it seems that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will go on unabated as the rest of the world is still not united and vocal on this count. It seems, we're still not sufficiently anguished and distraught by the wretched fate of the beleaguered Palestinians who're dying like insects. We may sympathise but we can't empathise because we're not facing the Holocaust of the 21st century. "Saahil Ke Tamashai Har Doobne Wale Par/ Afsos Toh Karte Hain, Imdaad Nahin Karte " (Bystanders on the shore sympathise with the drowning person but they don't provide any significant help). Our glacial indifference is responsible for the deaths and relentless sufferings of innumerable innocent people. We must never forget that no one can be whole and satisfied until all are. True fulfilment and contentment are intricately as well as inextricably tied to the welfare of others. As individuals, we cannot truly attain wholeness and fulfilment in isolation, for our lives are interconnected. In recognizing the interconnectedness of humanity, we bear the responsibility to uplift and support one another in order to achieve true satisfaction. It is through lifting others up, advocating for equality, and actively working towards the betterment of society that we can contribute to the collective journey toward wholeness and fulfilment for all. Our own well-being is ultimately intertwined with the well-being of others, fostering a deeper sense of empathy and fostering a more compassionate world. If today, we remain indifferent to the plight of our fellow brethren, the same dismal fate can befall us tomorrow with a greater intensity and severity. Remember, no one is eternally safe and permanently protected. ----- Nobel laureate in Literature (1981), Elias Canetti was born on July 25. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/look-do-nothing/d/136285 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Rewriting Orthodoxy: Ali’s Example as a Path to Sunni-Shia Reconciliation

By Naseer Ahmed, New Age Islam 24 July 2025 Editor’s Note This bold and deeply informed essay by Naseer Ahmed confronts inherited historical narratives with rare moral clarity and historical precision. In a climate where blind reverence prevents honest reflection, the author does what few dare—he examines not only the political miscalculations of Hazrat Ali but also respectfully highlights the grave error of Hazrat Ayesha and the failure of the first three Caliphs to involve Ali in important roles if not deliberately side-lining him. The essay is in the spirit of the Qur’anic command of 4:135: “O you who believe! Stand out firmly for justice, as witnesses to Allah, even as against yourselves, your parents, or your kin. Be they rich or poor, Allah can best protect both.” Reconciliation between Sunni and Shia is a moral imperative. But reconciliation is only possible through truth and justice—two divine virtues that must prevail over all man-made inhibitions and inherited biases. Let this article be read in that spirit and may it lead to true reconciliation. ----- A Follow-Up to Hazrat Ali and the Politics of Power Introduction (May Allah be pleased with the first four Caliphs, Hazrat Ayesha and Hujr ibn Adi, mentioned in the article) In my earlier article, I argued that Hazrat Ali’s moral restraint—while admirable—created a political vacuum that rival centres like Syrian Umayyad authority exploited. Scholars have analysed similar dynamics, but few have framed the issue as sharply or drawn the moral strategic lessons I proposed. This article reviews what leading scholars have said and then expands the argument with deeper context. 1. Key Scholarly Perspectives a) Wilferd Madelung, The Succession to Muhammad Madelung chronicles Hazrat Ali’s sidelining by successive caliphs and observes how Ali’s reluctance to pursue power himself cost him political credibility. My article argues further that restraint without institutional presence enabled emerging rivals. b) Sayyid Husain Muhammad Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shia Islam Jafri explains Ali’s passivity as shaped by spiritual conviction and political prudence. My critique accepts Ali’s moral motivations but questions the strategic cost—virtue in retreat does not preserve communal welfare. Ali’s withdrawal came at great expense to the Ummah. c) Nahj al-Balagha (Shaqshaqiyya Sermon) Ali’s own account in Sermons 15 and 3 reflects his deep awareness of being politically side-lined: “I suffered as one who suffers a thorn in his eye…” I interpret this as evidence that Ali recognised the consequence of his withdrawal—yet still allowed it. I also interpret it as muted criticism of the earlier Caliphs for their role in sidelining him. d) Al Tabari & Early Historians Tabari and related sources describe Ali’s political detachment during the caliphates of Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman, as well as his limited influence in the electoral council that chose Uthman. I link these episodes to the realpolitik ascendancy of Muawiyah and Ali’s estrangement from the Central Power in Medina. Ali’s limited role in the electoral council that chose Uthman laid the groundwork for his later exclusion. When Uthman was killed and Ali offered reluctant leadership, Hazrat Ayesha’s revolt against him—on the pretext that he failed to pursue Uthman’s killers—was unjustified and deeply disruptive. Her actions, far from principled, were politically catastrophic. Let it be said plainly, that she played a part in the rupture of the Ummah. She stood by the “Party against Ali”. e) Nasr Abu Zayd, Reformation of Islamic Thought While not focused on Ali, Abu Zayd critiques the valorisation of moral authority divorced from institutional leverage. My article uses Ali’s life as a case study in this general critique. 2. Ali’s Counsel-Based Politics: Ethical but Ineffective? Ali remained an adviser more than an administrator. He guided the caliphs, participated in judgments, and mediated crises. His own writings—such as his letter to Malik al-Ashtar—offer an ethical blueprint for governance grounded in justice (Adl), consultation (Shura), and human dignity (Karamah). Yet, he shunned power when it could have anchored these ideals. His refusal to engage in power politics allowed figures like Muawiyah to solidify control through patronage and coercion. Ali’s ideals, though noble, became disembodied—spoken in Medina, ignored in Damascus. 3. The Strategic Cost of Virtue in Retreat a) Institutional Vacuum Ali’s refusal to seek governorships or military leadership created a vacuum. Muawiyah filled it with bureaucracy, messaging, and military command. b) Shift of Power Centre Ali’s passivity helped shift Islam’s political centre of gravity from Medina to Damascus. By the time of the Battle of Siffin, Medina had become symbolically rich but politically irrelevant. c) Ethics Without Power Ali's consistent ethical code—no deception, no unjust violence—even in war, earned moral admiration but failed to preserve his political base. Ethics unguided by strategy do not sustain leadership. 4. Modern Lessons from Ali’s Dilemma • Moral legitimacy is not enough: Without institutions, righteousness withers. • Silence ≠ witness: Withdrawal can become complicity if evil takes root. • Justice requires engagement: One cannot leave governance to moral strangers. These principles, rooted in Qur’anic values, show that Ali’s failure was not one of character—but of strategic miscalculation. He allowed others to reshape the Ummah, not through error, but through absence. 5. Theological Myths and Historical Rationalisations Too often, Sunnis rationalise history as “Allah’s will” and frame submission to its outcomes as piety. But the Qur’an teaches that Allah’s sunnatullah—His law of consequences—unfolds through human action. To say that Ali lost because it was “divinely decreed” is to abdicate responsibility for learning from history. Hazrat Ayesha must be held accountable for the rupture she initiated. She challenged Ali’s authority unjustly, doubting his sincerity. Though Ali forgave her and she repented, we must not whitewash her rebellion. The early three Caliphs must also be critiqued—not for malice, but for enabling Ali’s marginalisation. Had they ensured his continued leadership presence, the later fitna might have been avoided. 6. What About Muawiyah? Let us be clear: Muawiyah was not among the Muhajirin or Ansar. He accepted Islam only after the conquest of Mecca—part of the Tulaqa, the Pardoned. He does not fall under the divine praise in 9:100, and his later actions reveal the depth of his betrayal: • He ordered the execution of Hujr ibn Adi, a pious Companion of the Prophet. • He instituted public cursing of Ali from the pulpit—a practice antithetical to Islamic ethics and prophetic values. The Qur’an states: “Whoever kills a believer deliberately—his reward is Hell… and the curse of Allah is upon him.” (4:93) “Do not pray over any of them when they die… They disbelieved in Allah and His Messenger…” (9:84) Muawiyah didn’t just harm believers—he attacked and maligned those whom Allah praised. By Qur’anic standards, he fits the description of a munafiq (hypocrite). Only another hypocrite would defend his legacy. 7. Rewriting the Sunni Identity The fracture in Islam wasn’t merely political—it was moral. The so-called “Sunni” camp sided with Muawiyah—the prototype of political hypocrisy. Sunni identity today is conflated with his legacy. It is time for the Sunnis to distance themselves from Muawiyah and his apologists. If fidelity to the Prophet ﷺ is the test, then the Shia—who upheld Ali’s cause—are more “Sunni” in spirit than those who defended the Banu Umayyah. To align with Muawiyah is to inherit a legacy of betrayal, not the Prophet’s tradition. Calling the followers of Muawiyah “Sunni” is an insult to the legacy of the Prophet. Final Word: Reconciliation Begins with Truth Reconciliation between Sunni and Shia is not only possible—it is easy, if both sides embrace honest reflection: • Accept that both groups included fallible humans. • Acknowledge that Ali was morally upright, though not always strategically effective. • Ali forgave Ayesha, and she repented sincerely. And 9:100 does confirm that Allah was pleased with the Vanguard Muslims, which include all the first four Caliphs and Hazrat Ayesha. If Allah can forgive them, surely the Shia can too. • Admit that Muawiyah’s success was not divine approval—but a triumph of corruption. Those who followed him followed a Munafiq, and those who defend him today either do so from ignorance or because hypocrisy is institutionalised in Sunni theology. The Sunni today must consciously recognise Muawiyah for what he was: Cursed by Allah and a Munafiq. • Understand that “Allah’s will” is not a divine rubber stamp for political crime. Let us stop: • Sanctifying mistakes • Defending Nifaq as political necessity • Treating silence as piety The time has come to rewrite orthodoxy. And Hazrat Ali—both his virtues and his vulnerabilities—provides the script. ------- روایتی نظریات کی ازسرِنو تحریر: سنی-شیعہ مصالحت کی راہ میں حضرت علیؓ کی مثال "حضرت علیؓ اور طاقت کی سیاست" کے بعد کی تحریر مصنف: نصیر احمد تعارف اپنے پچھلے مضمون میں، میں نے دلیل دی تھی کہ حضرت علیؓ کا اخلاقی ضبط—اگرچہ قابلِ تحسین تھا—لیکن اس نے ایک سیاسی خلا پیدا کیا، جسے شامی اموی اقتدار جیسے حریف مراکز نے بھر لیا۔ اگرچہ علماء نے ان dynamics کا تجزیہ کیا ہے، لیکن کم ہی افراد نے اسے اتنی وضاحت اور اخلاقی حکمت عملی کے زاویے سے دیکھا ہے جیسا میں نے کیا۔ یہ مضمون ممتاز علمی آراء کا جائزہ لیتا ہے اور اس بحث کو مزید گہرائی فراہم کرتا ہے۔ 1. اہم علمی آراء الف) ولفرڈ میڈلونگ – The Succession to Muhammad میڈلونگ بیان کرتے ہیں کہ حضرت علیؓ کو خلافت سے مسلسل الگ رکھا گیا، اور وہ خود طاقت کے لیے فعال کوشش نہ کرنے کی وجہ سے سیاسی طور پر کمزور ہو گئے۔ میں آگے بڑھ کر یہ کہتا ہوں کہ ان کی محتاطی، بغیر ادارہ جاتی موجودگی کے، مخالفین کے عروج کا باعث بنی۔ ب) سید حسین محمد جعفری – The Origins and Early Development of Shia Islam جعفری حضرت علیؓ کی خاموشی کو روحانی یقین اور سیاسی دانشمندی کا نتیجہ سمجھتے ہیں۔ میں ان کے اخلاقی محرکات کو تسلیم کرتا ہوں، لیکن یہ سوال بھی اٹھاتا ہوں کہ اس کا تزویراتی نقصان کیا ہوا—نیکی اگر پیچھے ہٹ جائے، تو امت کا تحفظ ممکن نہیں رہتا۔ حضرت علیؓ کی کنارہ کشی امت کے لیے مہنگی ثابت ہوئی۔ ج) نہج البلاغہ – (خطبہ شقشقیہ) خطبہ نمبر 15 اور 3 میں حضرت علیؓ خود اپنے سیاسی نظر انداز کیے جانے کو ایسے بیان کرتے ہیں جیسے "آنکھ میں کانٹا ہو…" میں اسے اس بات کا ثبوت مانتا ہوں کہ حضرت علیؓ نتائج سے واقف تھے، مگر پھر بھی دستبردار رہے۔ یہ اس وقت کے خلفاء پر ان کی غیر علانیہ تنقید بھی تھی۔ د) طبری اور دیگر ابتدائی مؤرخین طبری اور دوسرے مؤرخین حضرت علیؓ کی خلفائے راشدین کے دور میں سیاسی لاتعلقی کا ذکر کرتے ہیں، خاص طور پر خلیفہ عثمانؓ کے انتخاب میں ان کے محدود کردار کا۔ میں ان واقعات کو معاویہ کے عروج اور مدینہ میں مرکزی اقتدار سے حضرت علیؓ کی دوری سے جوڑتا ہوں۔ حضرت عائشہؓ کی حضرت علیؓ کے خلاف بغاوت—جسے عثمانؓ کے قاتلوں کے خلاف کاروائی نہ کرنے کا بہانہ بنایا گیا—غیر منصفانہ اور تباہ کن تھی۔ یہ صاف کہہ دینا چاہیے کہ انہوں نے امت میں تفرقے میں کردار ادا کیا۔ وہ "علی کے مخالف گروہ" کے ساتھ کھڑی تھیں۔ ہ) نصر ابو زید – Reformation of Islamic Thought اگرچہ وہ حضرت علیؓ پر خاص طور پر توجہ نہیں دیتے، لیکن نصر ابو زید اخلاقی اختیار کو ادارہ جاتی طاقت سے جدا کرنے پر تنقید کرتے ہیں۔ میرا مضمون حضرت علیؓ کی زندگی کو اس تنقید کی عملی مثال کے طور پر پیش کرتا ہے۔ 2. حضرت علیؓ کی مشورہ پر مبنی سیاست: اخلاقی مگر غیر مؤثر؟ حضرت علیؓ انتظامی سے زیادہ مشیر بن کر رہے۔ انہوں نے خلفاء کو مشورے دیے، فیصلوں میں حصہ لیا، اور بحرانوں میں ثالثی کی۔ ان کے خطوط، خصوصاً مالک اشتر کے نام، عدل، مشورہ اور انسانی وقار جیسے اصولوں پر مبنی حکومت کا خاکہ پیش کرتے ہیں۔ مگر جب انہیں ان اصولوں کو نافذ کرنے کا موقع ملا، تو وہ پیچھے ہٹ گئے۔ ان کا طاقت سے اجتناب معاویہ جیسے لوگوں کو زور پکڑنے کا موقع دیتا رہا۔ علیؓ کے اصول عظیم تھے، لیکن دمشق میں انہیں نظر انداز کیا گیا۔ 3. پیچھے ہٹنے والی نیکی کا تزویراتی نقصان الف) ادارہ جاتی خلا حضرت علیؓ کا گورنری یا فوجی قیادت قبول نہ کرنا ایک خلا چھوڑ گیا، جسے معاویہ نے اپنے نظام، پروپیگنڈہ اور فوجی طاقت سے پُر کیا۔ ب) اقتدار کا مرکز بدلنا حضرت علیؓ کی خاموشی سے اسلام کا سیاسی مرکز مدینہ سے دمشق منتقل ہو گیا۔ صفین کی جنگ تک مدینہ محض علامتی اہمیت رکھتا تھا۔ ج) طاقت کے بغیر اخلاقیات حضرت علیؓ کا اصولی طرزِ جنگ—نہ دھوکہ، نہ ناانصافی—قابلِ تعریف تھا، مگر سیاسی بنیاد نہ بچا سکا۔ حکمتِ عملی کے بغیر اخلاقیات قیادت کو نہیں چلا سکتیں۔ 4. حضرت علیؓ کے مسئلے سے جدید اسباق • صرف اخلاقی برتری کافی نہیں؛ ادارے نہ ہوں تو نیکی مر جاتی ہے۔ • خاموشی = گواہی نہیں؛ کنارہ کشی بعض اوقات برائی میں شراکت بن جاتی ہے۔ • عدل کے لیے شرکت ضروری ہے؛ حکومت دوسروں کے رحم و کرم پر نہیں چھوڑی جا سکتی۔ یہ اصول قرآن کی اقدار سے جڑے ہیں۔ حضرت علیؓ کی ناکامی کردار کی نہیں، بلکہ حکمتِ عملی کی تھی۔ انہوں نے امت کی باگ ڈور دوسروں کے ہاتھ میں جانے دی—غلطی سے نہیں، بلکہ غیر موجودگی سے۔ 5. الٰہی افسانے اور تاریخی تاویلیں اکثر اہلِ سنت تاریخ کو “اللہ کی مرضی” کہہ کر اس پر صبر کو عبادت تصور کرتے ہیں۔ مگر قرآن کہتا ہے کہ اللہ کا “سنت اللہ” انسانوں کے عمل سے ظاہر ہوتا ہے۔ یہ کہنا کہ حضرت علیؓ اس لیے ہارے کہ یہ الٰہی فیصلہ تھا—یہ تاریخ سے سبق نہ سیکھنے کا بہانہ ہے۔ حضرت عائشہؓ کو ان کے اقدام پر جوابدہ ٹھہرایا جانا چاہیے۔ اگرچہ علیؓ نے معاف کیا، اور وہ نادم ہوئیں، مگر ہم ان کی بغاوت کو "درگزر" میں لپیٹ کر چھپانا نہیں چاہیے۔ اسی طرح، پہلے تین خلفاء پر تنقید ضروری ہے—نہ کہ نیت پر، بلکہ علیؓ کو سیاسی حاشیے پر لے جانے کے عمل پر۔ اگر ان کی قیادت برقرار رکھی جاتی، تو بعد کا فتنہ شاید ٹل سکتا تھا۔ 6. معاویہ کا کیا؟ واضح ہونا چاہیے: معاویہ نہ مہاجرین میں سے تھا، نہ انصار میں سے۔ وہ فتحِ مکہ کے بعد اسلام لایا—یعنی “طُلقاء” (معاف کیے گئے) میں سے تھا۔ قرآن 9:100 میں جس خوشنودی کا ذکر ہے، اس میں معاویہ شامل نہیں۔ اس نے: • حجر بن عدی جیسے پرہیزگار صحابی کو قتل کروایا۔ • منبروں سے علیؓ پر لعنت کروانا رائج کیا، جو اسلامی اخلاق اور نبوی سنت کے خلاف تھا۔ قرآن کہتا ہے: "جو کسی مومن کو جان بوجھ کر قتل کرے، اس کی جزا جہنم ہے... اور اللہ کی لعنت اس پر ہے۔" (النساء 4:93) "ان میں سے کسی کی نماز جنازہ نہ پڑھو، نہ قبر پر جاؤ... کیونکہ وہ اللہ اور رسول کے منکر تھے۔" (التوبہ 9:84) معاویہ نے محض مسلمانوں کو نہیں ستایا، بلکہ ان شخصیات کو نقصان پہنچایا جنہیں اللہ نے سراہا۔ قرآن کی روشنی میں وہ منافق کہلانے کے لائق ہے۔ اور جو آج اس کے دفاع میں کھڑے ہوں، وہ یا تو لاعلم ہیں یا نفاق کو دینی سیاست کا حصہ مان چکے ہیں۔ 7. سنی شناخت کی نئی تحریر اسلام میں دراڑ صرف سیاسی نہیں، اخلاقی بھی تھی۔ جسے آج "سنی" خیمہ کہا جاتا ہے، وہ معاویہ کے ساتھ کھڑا تھا—جو سیاسی نفاق کی علامت ہے۔ آج کی سنی شناخت کو معاویہ کی وراثت سے الگ ہونا چاہیے۔ اگر پیمانہ وفاداری ہے رسول ﷺ سے، تو وہ شیعہ—جنہوں نے علیؓ کا ساتھ دیا—سنت کے اصل وارث تھے، نہ کہ وہ جنہوں نے بنی امیہ کا ساتھ دیا۔ معاویہ کے پیروکاروں کو “سنی” کہنا خود سنی شناخت کی توہین ہے۔ آخری بات: سچائی سے ہی مصالحت ممکن ہے سنی اور شیعہ کے درمیان مصالحت صرف ممکن ہی نہیں—بلکہ آسان ہے، اگر ہم دیانت سے کام لیں: • تسلیم کریں کہ دونوں گروہوں میں انسان شامل تھے، جو خطاکار ہو سکتے ہیں۔ • مانیں کہ علیؓ اخلاقاً برتر تھے، اگرچہ تزویراتی طور پر ہمیشہ مؤثر نہ رہے۔ • علیؓ نے عائشہؓ کو معاف کیا، اور وہ نادم ہوئیں۔ قرآن (9:100) بھی ان کے لیے رضامندی ظاہر کرتا ہے۔ اگر اللہ معاف کرے، تو شیعہ بھی کر سکتے ہیں۔ • مانیں کہ معاویہ کی فتح الٰہی رضا نہیں، بلکہ کرپشن کی جیت تھی۔ جو آج بھی اس کا دفاع کرتے ہیں، وہ یا لاعلم ہیں یا نفاق کے شریک۔ • سمجھیں کہ “اللہ کی مرضی” سیاسی جرائم کے لیے مہرِ تصدیق نہیں۔ آئیے ہم: • غلطیوں کو تقدیس نہ دیں • نفاق کو سیاسی مصلحت نہ کہیں • خاموشی کو تقویٰ نہ سمجھیں وقت آ چکا ہے کہ روایتی سوچ کو دوبارہ لکھا جائے— اور حضرت علیؓ—ان کی خوبیاں اور ان کی کمزوریاں—اس نئے بیانیے کی بنیاد بن سکتے ہیں۔ __ نصیر احمد ایک آزاد محقق اور قرآن مرکز مفکر ہیں جو اپنے مضامین میں ایمان، عقل اور جدید علم کو ہم آہنگ کرتے ہیں۔ ان کا طریقہ کار قرآن کے اندرونی ربط اور سائنسی اصولوں پر مبنی ہے۔ وہ روایتی مذہبی تعبیرات کو چیلنج کرتے ہوئے قرآن کی اصل دعوت کو ایک قابل فہم اور قابل آزمائش زبان میں پیش کرنے کی کوشش کرتے ہیں۔ ---- A frequent contributor to NewAgeIslam.com, Naseer Ahmed is an independent researcher and Quran-centric thinker whose work bridges faith, reason, and contemporary knowledge systems. Through a method rooted in intra-Quranic analysis and scientific coherence, the author has offered ground-breaking interpretations that challenge traditional dogma while staying firmly within the Quran’s framework. His work represents a bold, reasoned, and deeply reverent attempt to revive the Quran’s message in a language the modern world can test and trust. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-sectarianism/orthodoxy-ali-path-sunni-shia-reconciliation/d/136276 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

A Historical Critique of the Wahhabi-Imperial Alliance

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof, New Age Islam 24 July 2025 Abstract The historical trajectory of the modern Middle East is rife with paradoxes, none more pronounced than the enduring, century-spanning alliance between the puritanical, iconoclastic Islamic revivalist movement known as Wahhabism and the secular, expansionist forces of British and, later, American imperialism. This relationship, often superficially viewed as an anomaly or a cynical marriage of convenience, was, in fact, a deeply rooted symbiotic supremacy. It was a pragmatic partnership forged in the crucible of geopolitical necessity, where mutual strategic interests consistently overrode profound ideological chasms. A comprehensive historical and hermeneutical critique reveals that this alliance was not merely a matter of fleeting political calculation but one that necessitated a continuous and flexible re-interpretation of core Wahhabi doctrines. By selectively applying, suspending, and re-framing its own rigid theological principles, the Saudi-Wahhabi establishment was able to justify collaboration with non-Muslim powers to secure its own survival, consolidation, and eventual supremacy in the Arabian Peninsula. This process, in turn, profoundly shaped the modern Saudi state, the contours of global energy politics, the ideological battlegrounds of the Cold War, and, in a tragic and ironic twist of fate, the very nature of contemporary militant Islam. This paper argues that the Wahhabi-imperial alliance represents a masterclass in the instrumentalization of religious interpretation for the pursuit of state power. It will trace this complex entanglement chronologically, beginning with the ideological foundations of Wahhabism and its stark, exclusionary worldview. It will then analyse the movement's initial, often adversarial, encounters with the British Empire, exploring how imperial strategy constructed and utilized the idea of a “Phantom Wahhabi” before settling into a pragmatic alliance with the ascendant House of Saud. The analysis will then transition to the American era, where the pact was supercharged by the discovery of oil and cemented by the shared ideological enemy of communism, transforming Wahhabism into a global proselytizing force with the implicit backing of the United States. Finally, the paper will examine the hermeneutical fracture that occurred after the Cold War, demonstrating how the very same theological tools that legitimized the alliance were re-purposed by a new generation of militants to declare war on their former sponsors. Throughout this examination, the central focus will remain on the hermeneutical manoeuvres—the interpretations of Quranic texts and Islamic legal principles—that made this paradoxical symbiosis possible, revealing a persistent tension between professed theological purity and the overriding pragmatism of political survival. The Genesis of a Militant and Exclusionary Interpretation To comprehend the profound compromises at the heart of the Wahhabi-imperial alliance, one must first grasp the uncompromising nature of Wahhabism’s foundational theology. The movement that erupted in the arid hinterlands of 18th-century Najd was an explicitly revivalist and exclusionary project, born from the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792). He advanced a radical and militant hermeneutic of tawhid (the absolute oneness of God), demanding what he perceived as a return to the pristine, unadulterated Islam of the first generation of Muslims, the Salaf al-Salih (pious predecessors). His theology was built upon a stark and unforgiving binary: adherence to his strict, literalist interpretation of monotheism was true Islam, while any deviation constituted shirk (polytheism) and bid'ah (heretical innovation). This was not a minor theological disagreement; for Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, practices common throughout the Muslim world—including the veneration of saints, the visitation of tombs (even that of the Prophet Muhammad), the celebration of the Prophet's birthday (mawlid), and the use of talismans—were not merely misguided but were acts of apostasy that placed their practitioners outside the fold of Islam. The theological engine of this project was a specific, de-contextualized, and literalist reading of the Quran. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s teachings were saturated with an emphasis on verses proclaiming God’s absolute singularity (e.g., 3:18, 47:19) and those condemning any form of intercession or association of partners with God. This interpretation provided the theological justification for practicing takfir—the act of declaring other Muslims as kuffar (unbelievers). Once a community was declared apostate, its members were no longer protected by Islamic law, making their wealth and lives forfeit in the eyes of the Wahhabi faithful. This aggressive theology found its indispensable political instrument in the historic 1744 pact with Muhammad ibn Saud, the ambitious local ruler of Diriyah. This alliance fused religious fervour with state-building ambition, creating a potent force that would sweep across the Arabian Peninsula. Their military campaigns were framed not as tribal conquests but as a sacred duty, a jihad to purify Islam from the "corruptions" and "idolatry" that they argued had become rampant under the distant and tolerant suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire (Commins, p.32-45). This initial phase established the crucial precedent that would define the movement for centuries: the fusion of Wahhabi ideology, with its inherent demand for submission, with the dynastic and political ambitions of the House of Saud. A core tenet underpinning this exclusionary worldview was the doctrine of Al-Wala' wal-Bara' (Loyalty and Disavowal). Derived from interpretations of verses like 60:4, where the Prophet Abraham is depicted disavowing his polytheistic kinsmen, and 3:28, which cautions believers against taking disbelievers as allies (awliya) instead of fellow believers, this principle demanded unwavering loyalty to those who adhered to the Wahhabi creed and a complete disavowal of all others. This included not only non-Muslims but, critically, the vast majority of Muslims who did not subscribe to their specific interpretation. The practical implication was a mandate for separation and, if necessary, hostility. The Quranic verses exhorting struggle against unbelievers and hypocrites (e.g., 9:5, 9:29, 9:73) were central to their hermeneutical framework, providing a ready-made justification for expansion and conquest. Furthermore, this theological project contributed to a broader suppression of the intellectual and scientific spirit that had characterized earlier eras of Islamic civilization. While the Quran repeatedly extols reflection (tafakkur) (3:191), the pursuit of knowledge (ilm) (20:114), and the use of reason (aql), Wahhabism’s rigid literalism and anti-rationalist stance narrowed the epistemological horizons of Islam. Philosophy, speculative theology (kalam), and mysticism (tasawwuf or Sufism) were summarily rejected as foreign intrusions and heretical innovations. This intellectual paralysis, as critics like Fazlur Rahman have argued, reduced the dynamic faith of Islam to a set of static rituals and prohibitions, stripping it of the critical and adaptive faculties necessary for genuine progress (Rahman, p.241). This narrowing of thought, while aimed at internal purification, would later prove convenient for imperial powers who preferred a pacified Muslim populace diverted from critical inquiry and liberationist theologies. The Quranic motif of the Prophet Moses defying the tyrant Pharaoh (26:10-16) is a powerful call to confront oppression, yet the political theology forged by the Saudi-Wahhabi alliance would eventually sanctify obedience to their own rule and justify alliances with foreign tyrants, a stark hermeneutical reversal of this prophetic spirit. It was from this uncompromising, exclusionary, and militant foundation that the movement would first encounter, and later embrace, the forces of Western imperialism. The British Encounter: Patronage, and the "Phantom Wahhabi" The initial interactions between the nascent Saudi-Wahhabi state and the burgeoning British Empire in the late 18th and early 19th centuries were not born of friendship but of friction and adversarial interest. As the Wahhabi-aligned Qawasim tribal federation extended its influence across the Persian Gulf, it inevitably clashed with the primary objective of British imperial policy in the region: the protection of maritime trade routes to India. British records from the period, far from depicting a budding alliance, frame the Wahhabis as a fanatical threat. They were labelled "pirates" whose actions were motivated by a "fanatical Wahhabism," a characterization that, as historian Robin Plant argues, reflected British imperial imagination more than local reality. These maritime conflicts were rooted in long-standing local power struggles and economic competition, not purely religious zeal (Plant, p.4). The British response was decidedly hostile, supporting rivals like the Sultanate of Oman and launching military campaigns against Wahhabi-allied ports like Ras al-Khaimah in 1809 (Kelly, p.115-119). The fall of the first Saudi state at the hands of an Ottoman-Egyptian force in 1818 was a development that met with British approval, as it appeared to neutralize a destabilizing force and secure their regional hegemony (Al-Fahad, p.488). This early hostility, however, highlights a crucial dynamic: The British construction of a "Phantom Wahhabi." This was a powerful rhetorical and legal tool used to justify imperial intervention and suppress anti-colonial resistance. Across the British Empire, particularly in India, Muslim reform movements and anti-colonial rebels were often summarily labelled "Wahhabis," regardless of their actual doctrinal affiliations. This mischaracterization, rooted in Orientalist stereotypes of the fanatical and irrational Muslim, served to de-legitimize dissent and frame it as religious sedition rather than a legitimate political grievance (Said, p.45). As Qeyamuddin Ahmed documents in his study of the "Wahhabi Movement" in India, the term became a catch-all for any form of Muslim resistance, allowing the colonial administration to invoke extraordinary legal measures and portray its actions as a defence of order against religious extremism (Ahmed, p.60). In what became known as the “Great Wahhabi Case,” the British conflated diverse reformist groups with the Arabian movement to criminalize anti-colonial activities, making the word "Wahabi synonymous with 'traitor' and 'rebel'". This imperial hermeneutic, which interpreted any sign of Islamic revival as a potential political threat, was less about theological accuracy and more about maintaining control. It was a strategy of divide and rule, exploiting and amplifying sectarian differences to fragment potential anti-colonial unity (Metcalf, p.143). The shift from adversary to ally occurred in the early 20th century with the rise of Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud (1875-1953), the ambitious and politically astute leader striving to establish the third Saudi state. As the Ottoman Empire crumbled during World War I, the strategic landscape of the Middle East was redrawn. Britain, seeking to secure its interests against the Ottomans, found a willing, if unlikely, partner in Ibn Saud. While the British famously supported the Hashemite-led Arab Revolt under Sharif Hussein of Mecca, they simultaneously viewed Ibn Saud as a more stable and less territorially ambitious force in central Arabia. This dual policy culminated in the decisive 1915 Treaty of Darin, wherein Ibn Saud agreed to become a British protectorate. In exchange for weapons, a monthly stipend, and recognition of his rule, he pledged not to attack British interests or other British-allied territories (Al-Rasheed, p.45-47). As British officer Harry St. John Philby later noted, Ibn Saud’s movement was seen as a useful instrument to advance British geopolitical goals, particularly in countering Ottoman power (Philby, p.45). From a strictly Wahhabi doctrinal standpoint, this formal alliance with a Christian imperial power was deeply problematic, if not outright heretical. The ideology’s foundational texts and historical practice were predicated on the principle of al-wala' wal-bara', demanding separation from and struggle against kuffar (unbelievers) and their perceived Muslim collaborators. The very verses that formed the bedrock of their creed—cautioning against taking non-Muslims as allies (3:28, 4:144, 5:51) and commanding disavowal (60:4)—were now in direct contradiction with the political reality of the nascent state. To resolve this profound theological crisis, the Saudi leadership performed a crucial interpretational manoeuvre. The principle of al-wala' wal-bara' was pragmatically suspended, though never officially repudiated. The alliance was justified not through a direct refutation of these verses, but through the application of the Islamic legal concepts of maslaha (public interest) and darura (necessity). The greater goal—the establishment, consolidation, and survival of a state that would enforce "true" tawhid and liberate the holy cities of Mecca and Medina from the "polytheistic" Hashemites—was deemed important enough to permit a temporary and tactical alliance with a non-Muslim power. This hermeneutic of necessity was made more palatable by the fact that the primary enemies were other Muslims—the Ottomans and the Hashemites—whom the Wahhabi clerics had already theologically delegitimized as practitioners of shirk and bid'ah. Thus, in a masterful stroke of ideological framing, the British were not patrons of an infidel cause but were re-cast as unwitting facilitators of an authentic Islamic one. The conquest of the Hejaz, framed as a religious duty to purify the holy sites (invoking the spirit of verses on fighting to end oppression, like Quran 2:190-193), provided a powerful religious justification that overshadowed the glaring theological contradiction of relying on Christian imperial support (Habib, p.102-105). As historian Hamid Algar acidly notes, this alliance demonstrated that "the allegedly uncompromising hostility of Wahhabism to all that is non-Wahhabi could be conveniently suspended for the sake of political gain" (Algar, p.53). This episode cemented the core dynamic of the symbiotic relationship: the subordination of theological rigor to the political pragmatism of state power, a pattern that would be repeated and amplified under American patronage. The American Hegemony: Oil, God, and the Cold War The mid-20th century witnessed the eclipse of British influence in the Middle East and the rise of the United States as the new imperial hegemon. This transition deepened the Saudi-Western alliance, re-centring it on a commodity of immense global importance: oil. The 1933 oil concession granted to Standard Oil of California (SoCal), which would later become the Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO), was the economic beachhead for American influence. This economic partnership was formally consecrated as a strategic alliance in the landmark February 1945 meeting between U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and King Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud aboard the USS Quincy. This meeting cemented the unwritten but inviolable pact that would define US-Saudi relations for the next seventy years: a guaranteed flow of Saudi oil to the United States and its allies in exchange for an American military and security guarantee for the House of Saud and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. King Abd al-Aziz aptly described this new client relationship as a fusion of “our faith and your iron” (Philby, p.48; Vassiliev, p.288). This "oil-for-security" doctrine created a new set of hermeneutical challenges. The presence of thousands of American oil workers, technicians, and eventually military advisors on Saudi soil represented a far more intimate and permanent form of engagement with a non-Muslim power than the earlier British protectorate. It required the Wahhabi religious establishment to continuously justify a relationship that brought Western culture, technology, and secular values into the heart of the land they deemed most sacred. Once again, the principles of maslaha and darura were invoked. The wealth and security provided by the American alliance were framed as essential for the strength and stability of the one state on Earth governed by "pure" Islamic principles. Leading Wahhabi scholars issued fatwas (legal rulings) that justified cooperation with American companies and officials, often relying on interpretations of Quranic verses like 2:286, which states that God does not burden a soul beyond its capacity, to argue for the necessity of such worldly arrangements (Commins, p.189). With the onset of the Cold War, the alliance acquired a powerful new ideological dimension that would allow for an unprecedented global symbiosis. The United States, locked in a worldwide struggle against the Soviet Union, saw in Saudi Arabia’s staunchly anti-atheist Wahhabism a potent ideological tool against Soviet-backed secular Arab nationalism, epitomized by Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt. The Saudi regime, in turn, viewed Nasserism and other socialist, pan-Arabist movements as a dangerous, revolutionary threat to its monarchical rule and its claim to leadership of the Islamic world. This shared enemy allowed the US and Saudi Arabia to frame their alliance in moral and ideological terms, transcending the mere transactional nature of oil for security. This period represents the zenith of the hermeneutical utility of the Wahhabi-imperial alliance. The Saudi clerical establishment, with the full backing of the state, provided the religious justification for aligning with the capitalist, secular West against the "godless" communists. A significant, state-sponsored hermeneutical re-framing took place. Quranic injunctions to fight against unbelief (kufr), such as 9:73, were conveniently and powerfully aimed eastward at the ultimate atheistic kufr of Moscow, while the alliance with Washington was cast as a necessary defence of the dar al-Islam (lands of Islam). The concept of al-wala' wal-bara' was effectively globalized and inverted: loyalty was implicitly demanded for the "Free World" led by the United States against the existential threat of the Communist bloc, despite the US being a non-Muslim, secular power. Verses like Quran 4:139, which criticize those who take disbelievers as allies for the sake of honour, were side-lined in favour of a narrative that depicted the alliance as a sacred duty to protect the faith itself. This was not a passive alliance. Awash with petrodollars following the 1970s oil boom, and with active encouragement from Washington, Saudi Arabia embarked on a massive global campaign to export its specific brand of Wahhabi-Salafi Islam. This was a direct counterweight to revolutionary ideologies, both communist and pan-Arabist. The United States supported the Saudi founding of the Muslim World League in 1962 and other international organizations designed to propagate a conservative, quietist, and pro-Western interpretation of Islam (Mamdani, p.120-128). Billions of dollars were funnelled into a worldwide network of mosques, schools (madrasas), universities, and charities, all disseminating Wahhabi texts, ideologies, and its anti-communist, anti-socialist worldview. Quranic verses encouraging spending in the cause of God (e.g., 2:195, 2:261, 8:60) were harnessed to support this US-backed religious expansionism. The hermeneutical critique here is profound: core Islamic concepts of proselytization (da'wa) and enjoining good and forbidding evil (3:104) were systematically instrumentalised to serve a Cold War geopolitical agenda largely dictated by American interests. The most dramatic and consequential manifestation of this symbiotic collaboration was the Afghan War (1979-1989). Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the CIA and Saudi Arabia’s General Intelligence Directorate (GID) jointly orchestrated one of the largest covert operations in history. They funnelled billions of dollars and sophisticated weaponry to the Afghan Mujahideen fighting the Red Army (Coll, p.81-83). But the Saudi contribution was not merely financial; it was ideological. The Saudi state encouraged thousands of young Muslim men from across the globe, including a charismatic and wealthy young Saudi named Osama bin Laden, to join the fight in Afghanistan. This mobilization was given religious sanction by senior Wahhabi clerics, who issued fatwas framing the conflict as a quintessential jihad—a holy war against an infidel invader occupying a Muslim land. The entire ideological and financial apparatus that had been built up during the Cold War was now focused on a single, glorious battle, perfectly aligning the geopolitical goals of the United States with the militant theological framework of Wahhabism. This symbiotic supremacy had reached its peak, but in doing so, it had forged a generation of transnational holy warriors and unleashed a powerful, volatile ideology that would soon spin out of its creators' control. The Blowback and Hermeneutical Fracture The ultimate irony and tragic legacy of the Wahhabi-imperial alliance is that the very ideology the United States helped to globalize, and the very warriors it helped to train, eventually turned violently against it. The end of the Cold War in 1989 removed the common enemy that had served as the ideological glue for the US-Saudi partnership. The hermeneutics of convenience, which had for decades allowed for a tactical alliance with the "far enemy" (the US and the West) to defeat the "near enemy" (the Soviets, Nasserists, and other regional rivals), contained the seeds of its own reversal. The generation of transnational fighters forged in the crucible of the Afghan War, steeped in a Wahhabi-inspired ideology of militant jihad and absolutist principles, did not simply disband and return home after the Soviet withdrawal. They now constituted a global network of veterans, confident in their divinely-ordained victory and searching for a new cause. The catalyst for the great hermeneutical fracture was the 1990-91 Gulf War. When Saddam Hussein's Iraq invaded Kuwait, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia perceived a direct and existential threat. In a decision that would irrevocably alter the landscape of political Islam, the Saudi monarchy invited hundreds of thousands of American and coalition troops to be stationed on its soil—the very land containing Islam's two holiest sites, Mecca and Medina. For hard-line adherents to Wahhabi doctrine, this was the ultimate betrayal, an act of sacrilege that dwarfed all previous compromises. The presence of "Crusader" armies in the sacred land of the Two Holy Mosques (Haramayn) was seen as a blatant defilement and a shocking violation of the core principle of al-wala' wal-bara'. This single event ignited a fierce internal debate and exposed the deep hermeneutical chasm that had been papered over for decades. On one side stood the official state religious establishment. Faced with a direct order from the monarchy, the senior Ulema dutifully issued fatwas justifying the presence of non-Muslim troops. They again invoked the well-worn principles of darura (necessity) and maslaha (public interest), arguing that the defence of the kingdom from an aggressive Muslim neighbour (Saddam) was the overriding concern. They drew heavily on interpretations of verses like 4:59, "O you who have believed, obey God and obey the Messenger and those in authority among you," to demand loyalty to the King's decision and condemn any opposition as sedition (fitna) (Hegghammer, p.54-56). On the other side stood a new and vocal generation of dissidents, including figures like Osama bin Laden and a cadre of radical clerics. For them, the Saudi regime's decision was not a matter of necessity but of apostasy. They wielded the foundational texts of Wahhabism with the same literalist and absolutist rigor that the state had long promoted, but they turned this weapon against the state itself. The hermeneutical lens shifted with devastating clarity. The United States was no longer a justifiable ally of convenience against communism but had become the primary "near enemy," an occupying infidel power defiling the heartland of Islam. The very verses that the state Ulema had conveniently ignored or re-interpreted for decades were now redeployed with explosive force. Injunctions against taking Jews and Christians as allies or protectors (e.g., 5:51, 3:28, 4:144) were presented not as flexible guidelines but as immutable divine commands. The Quranic prohibition on polytheists approaching the Sacred Mosque (9:28) was interpreted as a blanket ban on any non-Muslim military presence in the entire Arabian Peninsula. The ahistorical and de-contextualized reading of scripture, a hallmark of Wahhabi hermeneutics, had proven to be a double-edged sword (Lacquer, p.220-225). This schism produced two competing hermeneutical paths. The state-aligned Ulema continued to develop a quietist, ruler-centric theology that prioritized regime survival and stability, condemning all unauthorized jihad as a dangerous innovation. Meanwhile, the dissident current, which would evolve into al-Qaeda and later ISIS, developed a revolutionary hermeneutic that used the core tenets of Wahhabism to legitimize global insurgency against both the "near enemy" (the "apostate" Muslim regimes like Saudi Arabia) and the "far enemy" (the United States and the West). The September 11, 2001 attacks, carried out predominantly by Saudi nationals steeped in this radicalized Wahhabi worldview, were the catastrophic culmination of this process. They forced a painful crisis in the US-Saudi relationship and laid bare the dangerous contradictions of the decades-long symbiotic alliance. While the Saudi state, again prioritizing its own survival, officially condemned the attacks and cooperated with the US "War on Terror," the ideological Pandora's box could not be closed. The United States was forced to confront the reality that the very ideology it had nurtured as a Cold War asset had metastasized into its most formidable foe (Wright 289). The symbiotic supremacy, built on a foundation of shared interests and hermeneutical flexibility, had ultimately produced a globalized militant movement that, by applying the same rigid logic of its progenitors, would declare holy war on its former imperial sponsors, demonstrating the profound and often perilous entanglement of religious interpretation and global power politics. The Harvest of Blowback The long and complex relationship between the Wahhabi-Saudi state and Anglo-American imperialism is a story of pragmatism consistently triumphing over professed principle. It was a symbiotic supremacy, an alliance of mutual benefit where the puritanical zeal of a religious revivalist movement was strategically harnessed by imperial powers, and where the House of Saud leveraged imperial patronage to build a kingdom. This paradox was sustained not by shared values, but by shared interests and, most critically, by a remarkably flexible and state-controlled religious hermeneutic. The journey from the uncompromising doctrines of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab to the oil-fuelled, American-backed global propagation of his teachings is a testament to the profound capacity of religious interpretation to bend to the imperatives of state power and geopolitical reality. The hermeneutical mechanics of this alliance were consistent across time. Core theological tenets, most notably al-wala' wal-bara' (Loyalty and Disavowal), were effectively suspended or re-interpreted through the legal principles of darura (necessity) and maslaha (public interest) whenever an alliance with a non-Muslim power was deemed essential for survival or expansion. Quranic verses commanding separation from and enmity towards non-believers (3:28, 5:51, 60:4) were set aside to accommodate protectorate treaties with the British and security pacts with the Americans. Conversely, verses justifying struggle (jihad) (9:5, 9:29), spending in God's cause (2:195, 8:60), and commanding good and forbidding evil (3:104, 3:110) were selectively mobilized to support state-building, conquer Muslim rivals, and, most consequentially, wage a global ideological war against communism on behalf of the United States. The critique lies in this profound and persistent inconsistency. A movement founded on a claim to absolute theological purity and a return to an unadulterated, pristine Islam repeatedly and fundamentally compromised those principles when faced with the realities of power politics and the allure of imperial patronage. This instrumentalization of the Quranic text and Islamic legal tradition reveals the subordination of religious doctrine to the machinations of the state. The resulting contradictions—condemning "infidels" while depending on them for security, preaching religious absolutism while thriving within a secular global order, and denouncing Western culture while benefiting from its technology and military might—created deep and unstable fissures within the ideology itself. While this symbiotic alliance undeniably succeeded for decades in securing the dynastic rule of the House of Saud and guaranteeing American energy and strategic interests, it came at a monumental cost. It unleashed a powerful, simplified, and volatile ideology onto the world stage, an ideology detached from the rich intellectual traditions of Islamic jurisprudence and ethics. The tragic legacy of this alliance is the very blowback it created. The hermeneutical tools of takfir and absolutist jihad, once honed with Western support against shared enemies, were inevitably turned against their former masters, giving rise to transnational militant movements that continue to plague the globe. The story of the Wahhabi-imperial alliance thus serves as a grim and enduring cautionary tale about the perilous and unpredictable consequences that arise from the entanglement of sacred text, statecraft, and empire. It demonstrates, with devastating clarity, how interpretations of the divine can be wielded in the service of worldly power, and how the seeds of ideological conflict, once planted, can grow in the most unexpected and destructive ways. Bibliography Abou El Fadl, Khaled. The Great Theft: Wrestling Islam from the Extremists. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2005. Ahmed, Akbar S. Islam Under Siege: Living Dangerously in a Post-Honor World. Cambridge: Polity, 2003. Ahmed, Qeyamuddin. The Wahhabi Movement in India. Lucknow: Naval Kishore Press, 1994. Algar, Hamid. Wahhabism: A Critical Essay. Oneonta, NY: Islamic Publications International, 2002. Al-Fahad, Abdulaziz H. "From Exclusivism to Accommodation: Doctrinal and Legal Evolution of Wahhabism." New York University Law Review, vol. 79, no. 2, 2004, pp. 485-520. Al-Rasheed, Madawi. A History of Saudi Arabia. 2nd ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. New York: Penguin Books, 2004. Commins, David. The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia. London: I.B. Tauris, 2006. Habib, John S. Ibn Sa'ud's Warriors of Islam: The Ikhwan of Najd and Their Role in the Creation of the Sa'udi Kingdom, 1910-1930. Leiden: Brill, 1978. Hegghammer, Thomas. Jihad in Saudi Arabia: Violence and Pan-Islamism since 1979. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Kelly, J.B. Britain and the Persian Gulf, 1795–1880. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968. Lacquer, Walter. No End to War: Terrorism in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Continuum, 2003. Mamdani, Mahmood. Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror. New York: Pantheon Books, 2004. Metcalf, Barbara D. Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982. Philby, Harry St. John. Unpublished Diaries: Mission to Central Arabia, 1917–1918. London, British Library Archives, 1918. Plant, Robin Alexander. “Discuss the Relationship between Wahhabism and British Imperial Policy in the Nineteenth Century.” QM History Journal, 8 Nov. 2020, qmhistoryjournal.wixsite.com. Rahman, Fazlur. Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. Said, Edward W. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books, 1994. Vassiliev, Alexei. The History of Saudi Arabia. London: Saqi Books, 2000. Wright, Lawrence. The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11. New York: Knopf, 2006. ------ V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence. He is dedicated to creating pathways for meaningful social change and intellectual growth through his scholarship. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-history/historical-critique-wahhabi-imperial-alliance/d/136275 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Religious Pluralism and Intellectual Openness in the Golden Age of Islam

By Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam 24 July 2025 The Abbasid era witnessed remarkable interfaith tolerance, cultural exchange, and scholarly studies of various religions, including Hinduism. Muslim scholars engaged deeply in comparative religion, promoting dialogue, understanding, and peaceful coexistence—contrary to modern misconceptions of Islamic narrow-mindedness or isolation. Main Points: 1. Abbasid rulers encouraged open religious debates, allowing scholars of all faiths to present their beliefs. 2. Yahya al-Barmaki sent a researcher to India to study Hindu beliefs and cultural practices. 3. Muslim scholars documented Indian sects like Mahakaliya, Sun, Moon, and Ganga worshippers in Arabic texts. 4. A Hindu king requested the Qur'an’s translation and learned Islam through dialogue with a Muslim scholar. 5. Interfaith harmony and intellectual exchange flourished under Abbasids, challenging modern myths about Islamic intolerance. ----- During the Abbasid era, we find many examples of religious studies and cultural diversity that clearly reflect the tolerance and open-mindedness of the Abbasid Caliphs. This inclusive and progressive attitude is a remarkable part of history. Unfortunately, today the real history is being hidden, and much of what is being written is far from the truth. A common false belief has been promoted that Muslims are narrow-minded, isolated within their own beliefs, and uninterested in other religions or ideologies. Let it be known—this is merely a baseless assumption that has been widely spread and continues to be promoted. Muslim engagement in religious and philosophical studies is not limited to mere verbal claims; rather, there are numerous written works and scholarly contributions by Muslims on comparative religion. Their efforts in this field deserve to be recorded in bold letters. When we analyse the trends in religious and comparative studies during the Abbasid period, it becomes clear that Muslims never hesitated to explore this subject. The cultural exchange and mutual understanding that arose from these interactions had an extraordinary impact on society. One outcome was that Arabs took active steps to understand the Hindu religion. Historians mention that Yahya al-Barmaki, who served as a vizier from 170 to 190 Hijri, sent a man specifically to India to document Indian medicines and religions. At that time, Baghdad had become a centre where people of all religions and beliefs gathered. The courts of the Abbasid Caliphs and their philosopher-leaning nobles hosted regular religious debates and intellectual gatherings. Specific days and times were set aside for these events, where people of all religions were allowed to present arguments for their beliefs, raise objections against Islam, and listen to responses. Muslim scholars (Mutakallimun) led these debates, and the Barmakid family especially supported such endeavours. It’s likely due to their patronage that there was a desire to better understand Indian religions. Although the detailed report of the man sent to India has not been preserved, the famous scholar Ibn al-Nadim refers to a document written by the renowned Arab philosopher Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi, who worked at Bayt al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom) in Baghdad translating texts. This document, dated 349 Hijri, includes a report that Yahya al-Barmaki had sent someone to India to study its religions and beliefs. It lists the names of Indian sects and briefly describes their practices. This may well be a summary of the original report. The document mentions the following sects: 1. Mahakaliya – Worshippers of the goddess Mahakali. 2. Aditya Bhaktas – Sun worshippers (Aditya means sun). 3. Chandra Bhaktas – Worshippers of the moon. 4. Ganga Patra (Ganga Yatris) – Believers that bathing in the Ganges washes away all sins. This sect was widespread across India. Several other sects and their worship methods are also mentioned. This event shows that Arabs had an early and genuine interest in learning about Indian culture, beliefs, and religions. Yahya al-Barmaki’s decision to send someone to India purely for religious and cultural research is a strong sign of his intellectual openness and appreciation of diverse ideas. Relations between Hindus and Muslims were quite positive in the Abbasid period. In his book Arb-o-Hind ke Ta‘alluqat ("Relations between Arabs and Indians"), Allama Syed Sulaiman Nadvi writes that friendly religious debates often took place between Arab Muslims, Hindus, and even Buddhists. There’s a famous incident during the reign of Caliph Harun al-Rashid (father of al-Mu'tasim), when an Indian king sent a message requesting that a Muslim scholar be sent to explain Islam and debate with his Hindu priest (Pandit). Similarly, the historian Al-Masudi mentions in Tarikh al-Masudi that when he visited India in 302 Hijri, the local ruler was a merchant who followed Brahminism and served under King Vallabh Rai of Mahanagar. This ruler loved debates and would frequently engage in discussions with visiting Muslims and followers of other religions. Another great achievement of the Abbasid era was the translation of the Qur’an into an Indian language (probably Hindi or Sindhi). This translation occurred at the request of an Indian Hindu king. In 270 Hijri, King Mehrook of Al-Rur, who ruled a region between Upper and Lower Kashmir, wrote to Abdullah bin Umar, the governor of Mansura (in Sindh), requesting that someone be sent to teach him Islam in his own language. There was an intelligent and poetic Muslim in Mansura, originally from Iraq but raised in India, who knew many Indian languages. The governor approached him, and he agreed to go. He first sent a poem in the king’s language, which greatly impressed the king. The king sent travel expenses and invited him to his court. This scholar stayed for three years, during which he translated the Qur’an into the local Indian language. The king listened to the translation daily and was deeply impressed. All of these examples are strong evidence of mutual religious understanding and scholarly efforts. Religious studies played a key role in promoting knowledge, research, and cultural exchange. That’s why Muslims explored various religions—Hinduism, Jainism, Christianity, Judaism, Sikhism—and contributed significantly to the field of comparative religion. Likewise, non-Muslims also made efforts to understand Islam. These shared efforts serve as an important model for today’s violent and divided world, reminding us of the value of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect. It’s unfortunate that the modern global narrative ignores the rich legacy of tolerance and cultural harmony from the past. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-pluralism/religious-pluralism-intellectual-openness-golden-age/d/136274 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

I May Be Your Judge, But Not An Executioner

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 24 July 2025 "I may be your judge, Monsieur, but I refuse to be your executioner." The aforementioned quote by Alexandre Dumas, represents a powerful and moral stance towards justice. It captures the inherent responsibility that comes with the role of a judge, who is tasked with making decisions that can ultimately determine an individual's fate. Dumas emphasizes the importance of separating judgment from punishment, highlighting the need for fairness and compassion in administering justice. By refusing to assume the role of an executioner, Dumas advocates for a system that prioritizes mercy and upholds the value of human life, even in the face of the most severe crimes. This quote serves as a timeless reminder of the significance of justice tempered with empathy. In this context of justice tempered with empathy and also sagacity, one must mention Bombay High Court's recent epochal verdict. The Bombay High Court on Monday, July 21, quashed and set aside the judgment of a special MCOCA court, which sentenced five people to death and another seven to life imprisonment for conspiring and executing a series of bomb blasts in Mumbai's Western Railway local line, that killed 187 people. Acquitting all 12 convicts, a special bench of Justices Anil Kilor and Shyam Chandak observed that the prosecution had "utterly failed" to prove the case and it was "hard to believe they committed the crime." "The prosecution has utterly failed to prove the case against the accused. It is hard to believe that the accused committed the crime. Hence their conviction is quashed and set aside," the HC said. While this verdict came rather late but as they say, it's always better late than never. Half a loaf is better than none! Dr Martin Luther King Jr. aptly said, "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice." While achieving justice may be a long and arduous process, it is ultimately driven by a moral compass that includes empathy and compassion for all individuals. Justice without compassion is a cruel and heartless thing. It becomes too matter-of-fact and devoid of feelings. True insight comes from standing in solidarity with victims. Abraham Lincoln was also of the same view when he said, " I've always found that mercy bears richer fruits than strict justice." Let's hope, Indian nurse Nimisha Priya's execution in Yemen is not carried out. Qisas or retributive justice (often summarised as 'an eye for an eye') has no place in a civilised world. Though it's laudable the way, Indian govt. is trying to save her life, one feels, the government of India could and should have shown the same level of empathy and intensity in the case of the ill-fated and very poor Shahzadi Khan. To jolt the readers' memory, Shahzadi Khan was recently executed in Abu Dhabi, UAE, after being convicted of murdering the infant son of her employers. The execution took place on February 15, and news of it was confirmed by the Indian government on March 3. Her family claims she was inadequately represented and that the child died from complications of a vaccination, not asphyxiation as the court ruled. ----- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. ---- French writer Alexandre Dumas' birth anniversary falls on July 24 ------ URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/judge-executioner/d/136273 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami: A Revered Saint and Scholar of Bilgram, Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh

By Sahil Razvi, New Age Islam 24 July 2025. Known as Sanad-ul-Muhaqqiqeen, A Leading Chishti Saint Main Points: 1. Wrote Sab’a Sanabil Sharif, cherished in the Prophet’s court. 2. Born around 1509-1511 C.E in Bilgram’s Zaidiyyah Syed family. 3. Mastered Shariah and Tariqah, guiding countless souls. 4. Passed away on 14 January 1609 CE; shrine in Bilgram. ------ Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami, a distinguished Chishti scholar, blended Shariah and Tariqah. His book Sab’a Sanabil Sharif gained divine acceptance. Born around 1509 CE, he passed away in 1609 CE, leaving a lasting legacy at his Bilgram shrine. Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami, revered as Sanad-ul-Muhaqqiqeen (The Authority of Scholars) and known by his pen name “Shahid,” was a towering figure in the spiritual and scholarly landscape of his time. His life, marked by profound knowledge, piety, and devotion, continues to inspire countless individuals. Hailing from the illustrious Zaidiyyah Syed family of Bilgram, Hardoi District of UttarPradesh. his contributions to Islamic scholarship and Sufism have left an indelible mark on history. Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami belonged to a noble lineage that traced back to Hazrat Syedna Imam Zain-ul-Abideen through a few generations. His full lineage is recorded as Syed Shah Abdul Wahid, son of Syed Shah Ibrahim, son of Syed Shah Qutbuddin. The Zaidiyyah Syed family of Bilgram is celebrated for its nobility, scholarship, and unwavering commitment to the service of Islam, producing luminaries who excelled in both Shariah (Islamic law) and Tariqah (Sufi path) in every era. According to the meticulous research of Hazrat Tajul Ulama, Allama Syed Muhammad Miyan Qadri Barkati Marharwi, Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid was born in either 1509 CE or 1511 CE, with some sources suggesting 1506-1507 CE. Born into a family renowned for its spiritual and intellectual heritage, he was groomed in an environment steeped in knowledge and piety. Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid received his early education from his esteemed father, laying the foundation for his remarkable scholarly journey. A distinguished scholar of his time, he authored several works, most notably a commentary on the renowned Dars-e-Nizami text Kafiya, which he elucidated up to the discussion on “Ghair Munṣarif” using the terminology of Tasawwuf. Despite extensive efforts, the names of his teachers remain unknown, but his erudition and mastery over Islamic sciences are evident in his writings and legacy. In his pursuit of spiritual excellence, Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid took the oath of allegiance under the guidance of Hazrat Makhdoom Sheikh Safi. His spiritual stature was further elevated when he was granted Khilafat by Hazrat Sheikh Husain Sikandar Abadi. As a prominent figure in the Chishti Sufi order, he embodied the perfect blend of Shariah and Tariqah, earning him the titles of Raees-ul-Mutawakkileen (Leader of the Devout) and Hujjat-ul-Khalaf (Proof for Successors). The Zaidiyyah Syed family of Bilgram is renowned for its contributions to Islamic scholarship, spiritual reformation, and service to humanity. Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid stood out as a beacon of this legacy. He was an imam of both Shariah and Tariqah, combining profound knowledge with spiritual insight. His life was a testament to his dedication to upholding the principles of Islam while guiding people toward spiritual enlightenment. His family’s legacy of producing individuals who harmonized Shariah and Tariqah found its pinnacle in his revered personality. The great reviver of faith, Aala Hazrat Imam Ahmad Raza Khan, held Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid in high esteem. In the preface to Sab’a Sanabil Sharif, a significant work authored by Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid, Imam Ahmad Raza Khan described him as: “Syed of Syeds of Bilgram, the refuge of both factions, the confluence of both paths, the ocean of Shariah, the sea of Tariqah, the remnant of the predecessors, the proof for successors.” He further praised the book, noting that its greatest distinction was its acceptance in the court of the Beloved Hazrat Prophet Muhammad. The lofty status of Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid is beautifully illustrated in an account narrated by Maulana Azad Bilgrami. In Ramadan 1735 CE, while in Shahjahanabad (Delhi), Maulana Azad visited Sheikh Shah Kaleemullah Chishti. During their conversation, the Sheikh recounted a dream he had in Madinah Munawwarah. In the dream, he and Syed Sabghatullah Barooji were present in the sacred gathering of the Hazrat Prophet Muhammad, surrounded by Companions and great saints. Among them was a person to whom the Hazrat Prophet Muhammad was speaking with a smile, giving him his full attention. When the gathering concluded, Sheikh Kaleemullah inquired about the individual and learned that it was none other than Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami. Hazrat Mir Syed Abdul Wahid Bilgrami passed away on the 14 January 1609 CE in Bilgram Sharif, Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh, India where his blessed shrine continues to be a place of solace and inspiration for devotees. ---- A regular contributor to New Age Islam, Sahil Razvi is a research scholar specialising in Sufism and Islamic History. He is an alumnus of Jamia Millia Islamia. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/hazrat-mir-bilgrami-saint-scholar/d/136272 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Sheen Muzaffarpuri: A Neglected Master of Progressive Urdu Fiction and A Pioneer of Urdu Humour from Bihar

By Syed Amjad Hussain, New Age Islam 24 July 2025 The article traces Sheen Muzaffarpuri’s journey from Bath Asli, Sitamarhi to a towering figure in Urdu satire. It highlights his major works, social themes like halala and marginalisation, his stylistic brilliance, and how his regional identity limited wider recognition—calling for renewed academic interest and national literary inclusion of his forgotten legacy. Main Points: 1. Sheen Muzaffarpuri emerged from rural Bihar as a sharp Urdu satirist. 2. Authored over 70 works, including Halala and Awaragard ke Khutoot. 3. Focused on social injustices, gender, and Muslim identity. 4. Despite literary brilliance, remained regionally confined. 5. Scholars now urge national recognition and academic revival. ----- Introduction With the vast expanse of Urdu literature, there are some names, though their roles have been impressive, which remain covered under the shadow of well-known individuals. Sheen Muzaffarpuri is one such name, a stalwart short story writer, intellectual, and socio-political thinker from Bihar whose literary life spanned more than half a century. Sheen Muzaffarpuri became known for his sharp narratives and commitment to socio-political concerns. His work deserves serious reconsideration by contemporary scholars and readers. Early Life and Background Mohammad Waliur Rahman, born in 1920 to Hafiz Muhammad Ainul Haque in the Sitamarhi district of Bihar, in the village of Bath Asli, adopted the pen name Sheen Muzaffarpuri as a tribute to his extended stay in the city of Muzaffarpur. He occasionally used the pseudonym Shaida as well. His rural upbringing and the socio-political upheavals of pre-independence India deeply influenced his literary temperament. Sheen began writing in childhood. By the 1940s, he had established himself as a prominent force in Urdu literature. Though born in Bihar, a region often marginalised in the national literary discourse. Sheen secured his place through literary merit alone. His early affiliation with the Progressive Writers' Movement enabled him to address contemporary social issues while developing a distinct and uncompromising narrative voice. Literary Contributions Sheen Muzaffarpuri’s work is distinguished by psychological depth, social realism, and moral inquiry. He was not merely a storyteller but a chronicler of the human condition in a rapidly transforming India. His short stories were published in leading Urdu journals across India and Pakistan and found readership among both progressive and conservative circles. Among his earliest published works was Awaragard ke Khutoot (1946), a book that captured the disquiet of a generation caught between colonial oppression and dreams of freedom. In 1949, he wrote Kadve Ghoont, a scathing critique of moral hypocrisy and repressed desires. The same year, he published Dusri Badnami, a collection of stories that sparked considerable debate due to their daring themes. His 1955 collection Hazar Ratein and later Halala (1976) addressed the emotional barrenness of urban life, the commodification of women, and the vacuity of legalism that entraps rather than emancipates. The novel Halala remains one of the most powerful literary critiques of religious patriarchy, crafted with a sensitivity far ahead of its time. Later, Raqs-e-Bismil (1993), his autobiography, offered valuable insights into his life, literary engagements, and ideological leanings. Written with elegance and introspection, it remains an essential document for understanding the intellectual milieu of mid-20th-century Bihar’s Urdu literary circles. A Vast and Underappreciated Corpus According to Rekhta, India’s foremost digital archive of Urdu literature, Sheen Muzaffarpuri compiled 60 and authored at least 17 published works, including short story collections, essays, memoirs, and translations. Some of his most celebrated works include, Khoon Ki Mehandi (1984), Khota Sikka (1961), Kisi Se Kahna Nahin (1993) and Teen Larkiyan Ek Kahani (1959) These works are hosted on Rekhta, which has played a vital role in digitising and preserving his literary legacy. The diversity and consistency of his output demonstrate a steadfast commitment to literature as an instrument of truth and transformation. Recognition and Critical Reception Despite his prolific output, Sheen Muzaffarpuri never achieved the level of national prominence that some of his contemporaries enjoyed. He was never part of metropolitan literary cliques and continued to remain rooted in the cultural soil of Bihar. Yet, it was this very regional rootedness that provided him with a unique vantage point from which to examine India’s postcolonial challenges. In recent years, renewed efforts have been made to reassess and document his contributions. Foremost among them is the book Sheen Muzaffarpuri: Hayat-o-Khidmat by Sufiya Shireen, published by the West Bengal Urdu Academy, Kolkata. The 301-page critical and biographical study delves deeply into his life, writings, and influence on both his contemporaries and later generations. Sheen Muzaffarpuri se Ashnai by Manazir Ashiq Harganvi is another significant tribute, reflecting the high regard in which he was held by fellow litterateurs. Thematic Concerns Sheen Muzaffarpuri’s stories frequently addressed the plight of the marginalised, the crisis of Muslim identity in post-Partition India, and the conflict between tradition and modernity. He was particularly attentive to the effects of religious orthodoxy on women and offered trenchant critiques of patriarchal interpretations of Islamic jurisprudence, particularly in stories like Halala and Qanoon ki Basti. Another central theme was the emotional and psychological isolation experienced by individuals in morally fragmented societies. His characters are often caught in the tension between societal duty and personal desire, communal expectations and individual conscience. With a style that was austere yet deeply evocative, he captured the silent tragedies of everyday life. Legacy and the Way Forward The contribution of Sheen Muzaffarpuri to Urdu fiction warrants far greater academic engagement. He represents a powerful regional voice that interrogated social conventions without compromising literary excellence. While platforms like Rekhta and dedicated blogs have initiated a digital revival of his work, there is an urgent need for institutional support to further translate, research, and republish his writings. Inclusion of his stories in university curricula, particularly in modules on South Asian literature, postcolonial fiction, and regional modernisms, is essential. A curated volume of English translations would greatly enhance access to his work for non-Urdu-speaking audiences. In sum, Sheen Muzaffarpuri was far more than a provincial writer from Bihar. He was a voice of moral courage, a literary craftsman, and a witness to India’s social transformations. His marginalisation in mainstream literary memory is not due to a lack of value but the consequence of regional and linguistic biases. Correcting this omission is not only a tribute to his legacy but a necessary step toward a more inclusive understanding of Indian literary modernity. References: Muzaffarpuri, Sheen (1993) “Raqs-e-Bismil” The Art Press, Sultan Ganj, Patna Rizvi, Abu Bakr (2019) “Sheen Muzaffarpuri” Urdu Directorate, Patna Shireen, Sufiya (2019) “Sheen Muzaffarpuri Ke Muntakhab Afsane” Arshia Publications Harganvi, Manazir Ashiq (2017) “Sheen Muzaffarpuri se Ashnai” Educational Publishing House, Delhi Quadri, Dr Syed Ahmad (2011). “Sheen Muzaffarpuri: Shakhs Aur Aks” Maktaba Ghausia, Gaya Raza, Dr Hasan (2002) “Sheen Muzaffarpuri: Shakhsiyat Aur Fan” Alminar Publications, Ranchi Iqbal, Dr. Mahmood (2011) “Sheen Muzaffarpuri Ke Afsane” Department of Urdu, Bihar University ----- Syed Amjad Hussain is an author and Independent research scholar on Sufism and Islam. He is the author of 'Bihar Aur Sufivad', a research book based on the history of Sufism in Bihar. Note: This is the first-ever article available about Sheen Muzaffarpuri on the Internet. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islamic-personalities/sheen-muzaffarpuri-progressive-urdu-fiction-humour/d/136271 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

The God of Absolutes vs. The God of Reality: A Reflection on Suchocki’s Insight

By Adis Duderija, New Age Islam 23 July 2025 "God constructed through absolutes is hardly more than an invention of the human mind, whereas the God at the edges of the self confronts us in the midst of our reality." M. E. Suchocki In contemporary theology and philosophy, few statements resonate as deeply as the assertion that “God constructed through absolutes is hardly more than an invention of the human mind, whereas the God at the edges of the self confronts us in the midst of our reality.” This thought-provoking quote from process theologian and philosopher Marjory E. Suchockiinvites us to reflect on the nature of divinity and, more importantly, the implications of our understanding of God in relation to our lived experiences. The Construct of Absolutes At the heart of Suchocki’s assertion lies a critique of the notion of God as an absolute being—an omniscient, omnipotent entity defined by dogmatic principles and rigid doctrines. This image of God often emerges from religious traditions that emphasise certainty, clarity, and unwavering truth. It presents a God who is a distant ruler, a cosmic architect who has crafted a universe governed by fixed laws and immutable truths. However, Suchocki’s perspective challenges this static portrayal. The God of absolutes, stripped of the nuances of human experience, becomes a construct, a mental framework created to impose order on the chaos of existence. This construct serves specific purposes: it provides comfort in times of uncertainty, establishes moral guidelines, and promotes community cohesion. Yet, it also risks oversimplifying the divine and reducing the complexity of faith to a set of unyielding principles. The God at the Edges In contrast to the God of absolutes, Suchocki introduces the idea of a God who exists at the edges of the self. This God is not confined to abstract definitions or theological systems; rather, it is found in the messiness of human life. It is in the moments of doubt, suffering, joy, and love that we encounter this divine presence. This God challenges us to confront our vulnerabilities and uncertainties. It invites us to explore the depths of our existence, recognizing that faith is not about unwavering certainty but about navigating the complexities of life. In this view, God becomes a companion on our journey, walking with us through our struggles and triumphs, rather than a distant observer dictating our paths. The Intersection of Faith and Experience The God at the edges of the self encourages a dynamic relationship between faith and experience. It emphasises that spirituality is not merely a set of beliefs but a lived experience that unfolds in real-time. This perspective aligns with the growing recognition among theologians and philosophers that faith must be contextualised within the realities of our lives. Embracing Suchocki’s insight also means recognising the value of doubt and uncertainty in our spiritual journeys. The God of absolutes often demands certainty and unwavering faith, creating a binary between belief and disbelief. This perspective can lead to spiritual paralysis, where individuals feel compelled to conform to rigid doctrines, fearing the consequences of questioning or exploring alternative views. However, the God at the edges of the self invites doubt as a legitimate part of faith. It acknowledges that uncertainty can be a catalyst for deeper understanding and growth. In grappling with questions and doubts, we open ourselves to a more profound engagement with the divine. This God encourages exploration and dialogue, fostering a faith that is alive, evolving, and deeply personal. Moreover, Suchocki’s concept of the God at the edges of the self highlights the importance of community in our spiritual journeys. The God of absolutes often exists within the confines of individual belief systems, leading to divisions and exclusion. In contrast, the God who confronts us in our reality compels us to engage with others, to listen to diverse experiences, and to recognise the interconnectedness of humanity. Through these interactions, we can discover a richer and more nuancedunderstanding of God that transcends individual constructs and embraces the complexity of human existence. Mary E. Suchocki’s insight into the nature of God serves as a powerful reminder of the limitations of absolute constructs. As we navigate the complexities of our lives, we are invited to encounter a God who exists not in the confines of dogma but at the meeting point of our realities. This God challenges us to embrace our doubts, engage with our communities, and find meaning in the messiness of existence. Ultimately, the God at the edges of the self offers a profound opportunity for transformation. It asks us to reconsider our assumptions, to explore our spirituality with openness and curiosity, and to recognise that the divine is not a distant concept but a living presence woven into the fabric of our lives. In doing so, we can cultivate a faith that is not only intellectually robust but also deeply rooted in our shared humanity. ------ Checkout Dr. Adis Duderija’s personal website at: https://dradisduderija.com/ A decades old patron of New Age Islam, Dr Adis Duderija is a Senior Lecturer in the Study of Islam and Society, School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science; Senior Fellow Centre for Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue, Griffith University | Nathan | Queensland | Australia. His forthcoming books are (co-edited) - Shame, Modesty, and Honour in Islam and Interfaith Engagement beyond the Divide (Springer) URL: https://www.newageislam.com/spiritual-meditations/god-absolutes-reality-suchocki-insight/d/136261 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Promoting Tolerance Through the Study of Religions: A Scholarly and Historical Perspective

By Dr. Zafar Darik Qasmi, New Age Islam 23 July 2025 The study of religions fosters social tolerance, mutual respect, and peace. Muslim scholars promoted interfaith understanding through translation, comparative study, and respectful engagement with diverse religious traditions. Main Points: 1. Religious studies help eliminate hate and violence by promoting tolerance and peaceful coexistence in society. 2. Abbasid-era scholars translated texts to introduce diverse beliefs, boosting interfaith respect and cultural exchange. 3. Muslim thinkers like Al-Biruni, Akbar, and Dara Shikoh advanced tolerance through interfaith translations and research. 4. Maulana Gilani highlighted similarities between Islamic monotheism and Hindu beliefs, supporting theological common ground. 5. Sulaiman Nadvi recognized Hindus as resembling People of the Book, encouraging respectful religious classification. ----- One important aspect of the study of religions is tolerance. Religions have been studied not only for academic interest but also to promote the idea of peaceful coexistence and mutual respect in society, and to eliminate hatred and violence committed in the name of religion. Modern research on religions has introduced new concepts and trends, which are having a significant impact on society. Tolerance brings peace, patience, and harmony. Therefore, it is important to promote this concept and take practical steps to implement it. When scholars and intellectuals work sincerely towards tolerance and mutual protection, the results are deeper and longer lasting. Hence, the importance of scholarly and research work has always been acknowledged. When seen from this angle, it becomes clear that many scholars have studied religions to promote tolerance. In this context, Khawaja Hasan Nizami's books “Krishan Jeevan” and “Hindu Dharma ki Maloomat” hold great value. Those who have studied religions with the intention of promoting tolerance have seen positive social outcomes, and such results are expected in the future as well. Looking at the contributions of Muslim scholars in this regard, it becomes evident that many great Muslim thinkers and researchers have studied religions to promote peace and harmony in society. The concept of tolerance in religious and cultural studies was also reflected in the Abbasid era through the institution known as Bayt al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom). The scholars and translators working there translated religious and spiritual texts and introduced society to diverse civilizations and religious traditions. A scholar from India was invited specifically to translate Sanskrit texts. Similarly, Christian, Jewish, and other experts like Ishaq al-Kindi were appointed and given full freedom to translate from their native languages into Arabic. When we observe the academic achievements of Bayt al-Hikmah, we see that it introduced the Muslim world to various religions and philosophies, which significantly increased the atmosphere of tolerance in that time—a light that continues to shine even today. Muslim scholars have made constant efforts throughout history to advance the idea of tolerance through religious studies. For example: Ibn Battuta's travelogue on India Al-Masudi’s "Tarikh al-Masudi" Al-Biruni’s "Tahqiq ma li-l-Hind" These works show that the scholars studied religions and philosophies to build national unity and social harmony. Similarly, during the Mughal era, emperors like Akbar promoted religious studies with the idea of tolerance. Akbar assigned Mulla Abdul Qadir Badayuni to translate the Mahabharata, Ramayana, and Atharva Veda into Persian. He even commissioned an illustrated version of the Mahabharata, on which, according to a European researcher, £40,000 was spent. Dara Shikoh, Akbar’s descendant, translated the Upanishads into Persian under the title “Sirr-e-Akbar” (The Great Secret). These efforts reflect the Muslim community's broad-mindedness in studying other religions. Yet, Muslims are often unfairly accused of being narrow-minded and lacking scholarly generosity. Today, in a multi-religious country like India, a narrative is spreading that Muslims have not deeply studied other religions. Those who make such claims are either ignorant of India’s rich historical heritage, or they do so intentionally to play the Hindu-Muslim card for political gains and to defame Muslims. The public must understand such tactics so that no one can exploit Hindu-Muslim unity for selfish interests. Elements of tolerance in religious studies are also visible in the writings of Maulana Manazir Ahsan Gilani. He wrote: “The foundation and core spirit of Qur'anic teachings is Tawhid (oneness of God). Interestingly, similar thoughts are found in the Hindu religious text Mahabharata, showing a shared belief in monotheism between Hinduism and Islam. One chapter in the Mahabharata says: ‘This Brahman cannot be shaped by any image, nor is there any likeness to it.’ This concept is mirrored in the Qur'an: ليس كمثله شي (There is nothing like Him).’” Maulana Gilani further argues that the Aryans who came to India were not non-Semitic but were in fact part of the Semitic religious tradition, which was later wrongly categorized otherwise. He adds that Islam and Hinduism share more common values than Islam and modern Christianity or Judaism. Muslims also showed tolerance in religious studies by considering Indian religious communities as close to the People of the Book. Allama Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, in his book Sirat-un-Nabi, discusses the concept of “Shibh Ahl-e-Kitab” (those resembling the People of the Book). He writes: "The Prophet ﷺ divided the world's people into four legal categories: 1. Muslims – followers of the Qur'an and other divine books. 2. People of the Book – those who follow divine books mentioned in the Qur'an. 3. Polytheists – those with no divine book or claim to revelation. 4. Resemblers of the People of the Book – those who do not accept the Qur'an, Torah, Gospel, or Psalms, but claim to follow a divine book (e.g., Sabians, Zoroastrians). During the Islamic conquests of Sindh and Turkestan, Islamic scholars placed Hindus and Buddhists under this fourth category." This article shows that the study of religions was also intended to promote tolerance and understanding among different communities and cultures. The emphasis on tolerance in interfaith studies has played a key role in reducing conflict and hostility. Therefore, we can confidently say that just as Muslims have studied other religions with an open and generous mind, it is also necessary for followers of other religions to study Islam with the same open-heartedness. Only then can true mutual respect, goodwill, and interfaith harmony be achieved. The values of tolerance in religious studies can help us create a peaceful, united, and respectful environment for all. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/tolerance-religions-scholarly-historical/d/136260 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Ban And Delegitimise All Conversions

By Sumit Paul, New Age Islam 23 July 2025 In a startling crackdown under 'Operation Asmita', Agra Police has busted a religious conversion syndicate allegedly operating on an ISIS-style jihadist pattern, targeting minor girls for conversion through radicalisation and coercion. The case came to light in March 2025 when a missing persons report for two sisters was lodged at Agra's Sadar Bazar police station. The investigation unearthed links to a network with suspected Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) funding routed through the UAE, Canada, London, and the US. In this particular case, the elder sister, an M. Phil in Zoology pursuing her Ph.D., first came in contact with a Kashmiri woman named Saima during coaching classes in Agra. Saima allegedly convinced her to visit Kashmir in 2021, sparking her conversion. Despite being traced and brought back then, she disappeared again in March 2025, this time with her 19-year-old younger sister. Both were found in Kolkata days later. The family told India Today TV that their elder daughter had turned hostile to Hindu beliefs, abandoned family rituals, and started advocating purdah and hijab after her first disappearance. They claimed the sisters shared a room, which made the younger one vulnerable to the elder's influence. One wonders how can an 'educated' young woman, an M Phil in Zoology pursuing her Ph.D, be so naive as to relinquish her Hinduism and embrace an equally dubious religion? This is what we call religious indoctrination which is so overwhelming that it casts its spell on the victim. Agreed, there's no such thing as magic, miracle or a magical spell, but religion is still no less than a miracle or magic for those who're unevolved and gullible. Human brain functions in a very strange, rather illogical, manner. A person can solve a technical problem using the rules of Math and Physics without invoking god. Then he can go to a temple and pray for his child’s good health without invoking the logic of Math. If you're disenchanted with the faith you were born into, leave it. It's so simple. Why should you make the same mistake by accepting some other equally useless faith however exalted it may sound or appear? All man-made faiths are execrable and egregious. So are their gods and deities. It's like jumping from a frying pan into the fire. Aasmaan Se Gire, Khajoor Pe Atke. We say in Persian, Ghooz e Bala Ghooz (hump on top of a hump) or Az Mast Ke Bar Mast (It's from us that it's on us). The religiously masochistic humans love to be tormented by one or the other religion. Humans perennially suffer from psychological self-flagellation. That said, conversion syndicates are rampant in India. This case adds to a growing list of alleged forced conversion syndicates exposed in Uttar Pradesh since 2021. Earlier, Maulana Umar Gautam and Maulana Kaleem Siddiqi's networks were busted, followed by the recent Balrampur syndicate of Chhangur Baba,alias Jamaluddin. The Govt. of India or the Apex Court must pass an order, delegitimising and banning all conversions in the country. ----- A regular columnist for New Age Islam, Sumit Paul is a researcher in comparative religions, with special reference to Islam. He has contributed articles to the world's premier publications in several languages including Persian. URL: https://www.newageislam.com/current-affairs/ban-delegitimise-conversions/d/136258 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism

Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab: Soaring Beyond Boundaries as a Literary Luminary and Pioneering Muslim Woman Pilot

By Afroz Khan, New Age Islam 23 July 2025 Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab (1908–1999), a trailblazing Urdu writer and feminist, broke societal barriers as the first Muslim woman pilot of undivided India in 1936. Her romantic novels and editorship of “Tahzeeb-e-Niswan” championed women’s rights, leaving a lasting legacy in literature and aviation. Main Points: 1. Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab (1908–1999), pioneering Urdu writer. 2. First Muslim woman pilot of undivided India (1936). 3. Edited “Tahzeeb-e-Niswan” advocating women’s rights. 4. Authored romantic novels like “Meri Nakam Mohabbat”. 5. Broke societal norms, inspired women. ----- It is the misfortune of Muslim women that in the name of their security and sometimes in the name of Islamic law, attempts have been made to limit their social role to only household responsibilities. The irony is that Muslim women have accepted this as their destiny, while the reality is that Islam has fully accepted women in their social role and has also given them equal rights. Some people with fanatic and extremist ideology tried their best to stop women from progressing but in every era, like a ray of sun, some woman came forward and broke all the restrictions and succeeded in inscribing her name in the history. In this series, another name was added "Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab". Begum Imtiaz Ali "Hijab" was born on 4 November 1908 in Hyderabad, Deccan, (presently Telangana). Her father Syed Mohammed Ismail was the first secretary of the Deccan State, her mother was Abbasi Begum, a famous writer of her time. Her family was counted among the elite families. Begum Imtiaz was taught Urdu, Arabic and music. Begum Imtiaz's mother was herself a writer, so it was natural for her to have these qualities. Begum Imtiaz Ali started writing at a very young age. Her first novel "Meri Nakam Mohabbat" which she wrote at the age of only 12 is considered an excellent novel of romantic style. Initially, she started writing under the name of "Hijab Ismail". "Hijab" was her pen name. Her articles were published in a women's magazine called "Tahzeeb-e-Niswan". Later, she was also seen as the editor of the same magazine. Begum Imtiaz Ali wrote many famous literary works. In her work named " Pagal Khana" she expressed serious apprehension and concern about the growing technology and the nuclear dangers associated with it. Pagal Khana is an example of her dedication and foresight towards the society. In 1930, Begum Hijab married Imtiaz Ali Taj. Her husband Imtiaz Ali Taj himself was a famous writer and journalist. Taj's most famous work is the play "Anarkali" based on the life of Anarkali. He gained a lot of fame from this play. In Urdu literature, Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab holds the position of a romantic writer. Her stories and novels are written in a very romantic style, prominent among which are "Andhi Mohabbat, Sanobar Ke Saaye, Mohabbat Ya Halaaqat, Meri Na Tamam Mohabbat, Janaza, Mami Khana Mein Ek Raat, Bimaar E Gham and Yaad E Raftagan. Begum Hijab had enriched Urdu literature with her unmatched masterpieces. Her novels hold a special and unique place in Urdu literature. When Begum Hijab became the editor of Tahzeeb-e-Niswan, she used to prominently raise the issues related to women, she used to prominently raise the issues related to women's rights and their status. Begum Imtiaz Ali Hijab's in-laws were feminist and modern thinking family, her mother-in-law Mohammadi Begum was a feminist writer and her father-in-law was Mumtaz Ali. Mumtaz Ali wrote a book named "Hukuq-e-Niswan" in which Mumtaz Ali openly expressed her views on women's rights. It is said that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan tore her work only because he found it too feminist. Begum Hijab's modern-minded in-laws always encouraged her to move forward, and as a result of their encouragement, another achievement was added to Begum Hijab's name. First Muslim Woman Pilot Of Undivided India Begum Hijab learned the nuances of flying in a flying school in Lahore during British rule in 1936 and very soon Begum Hijab completed her training and obtained a pilot's license. Her success increases even more because in those times when numerous restrictions were imposed on women, even talking about women's rights was considered a crime, progressive women were not given due respect in society, the duties of women were limited to homes. At that time, Begum Hijab started a new trend in many ways by achieving this feat. Begum Hijab also became a source of inspiration for many women. When the partition of India took place in 1947, Begum Hijab was in Lahore and she passed away on 19 March 1999. Begum Hijab was not only a unique writer but also a courageous woman who broke the shackles of society and achieved a special place in history by flying high in the sky. ----- Afroz Khan is a teacher by profession. She primarily writes about women and Islam. She holds a Bachelor's degree in Education URL: https://www.newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/begum-imtiaz-hijab-literary-luminary-woman-pilot/d/136257 New Age Islam, Islam Online, Islamic Website, African Muslim News, Arab World News, South Asia News, Indian Muslim News, World Muslim News, Women in Islam, Islamic Feminism, Arab Women, Women In Arab, Islamophobia in America, Muslim Women in West, Islam Women and Feminism